
Class _^_2^ 

Book- , ^_aa_ 



CopyrightN^. 

COnfRIGHT DEPOSm 




Copyright, 1 9 1 3, by Harris & Ewing 

WOODEOW WILSON, 
President of the United States. 



MEXICO AND THE 
UNITED STATES 

A Story of Revolution 
Intervention and War 



BY 



FREDERICK STARR -^ 

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 



Illustrated vnth photographs and maps 



PUBLISHED BY 

THE BIBLE HOUSE 

443 S. DEARBORN STREET 
CHICAGO 






Copyright, 1914, 

BY 

The Bible House. 




APR -3 19(4 



>CI,A371193 



^ 



^■ 



THIS BOOK 

UPON MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES 

IS DEDICATED TO 

DK. OTTO L. SCHMIDT 

AS A MAEK OP APPRECIATION 

AND A TOKEN OF EEGAED 

BY 

THE AUTHOR. 




Photograph by Koehne 



FEEDERICK STARR. 



i 



PREFACE 

Asked to write a book on Mexico, I do so gladly. I know 
Mexico from an experience of twenty years ; I love the land and 
people. But there are as many different Mexicos as there are 
observers. 

This book does not pretend to be a history of Mexico. There 
are many such already written, and they are easily accessible. 
It must, however, have a thread of history running through it 
to connect the different stories, and to make them compre- 
hensible. It is an effort to show how and why recent 
occurrences happened. It endeavors to explain why the 
present turmoil in Mexico, the tendency, the outcome. 

The book begins with the Centennial Celebration of 1910. 
It marked the culmination of one hundred years of national 
life. It marked the beginning of a new and great political move- 
ment. It is inevitable that the speeches, books, processions, 
celebrations, of the month of September should produce the 
revolution which followed. Aquiles Serdan was the martyr 
whose death ushered in a new era. 

Having marked the culmination of the development inau- 
gurated by the man of iron, it is necessary to know the material 
from which and the foundation on which his nation was con- 
structed. Fundamentally, the Mexican is Aztec — or similar 
Indian. And Aztec Mexico furnished the material for all later 
development. To know and understand this is fundamental. 
The old Indian was conquered by the Spanish soldier, but he 
was also conquered by the Spanish priest. Following the mili- 
tary and religious conquest of the country came the long period 
of Spain's control, the glorious century and after. The charac- 
teristic features of the social and political life of New Spain 
were necessarily fixed by the old Indian and the new Spanish 
elements. Vice-royal rule continued the divided, local, dis- 



2 PREFACE 

organized character of the past, — personal politics and super- 
stitious submission to religious control. There was no unifying 
movement, no middle class. The very rich, the very poor, they 
alone were present. 

With the great liberal movement of the early nineteenth 
century in Europe, there began a corresponding liberal move- 
ment in the New World. The story of the independence 
struggle abounds in interesting and romantic episodes. But it 
still repeats the old conditions. It was not a unifying move- 
ment. It developed no middle class. The very rich and the 
very poor alone remained. Leaders were impelled too often 
by personal ambition. Once in power, they forgot principles 
and betrayed their cause. With the achievement of inde- 
pendence a real struggle for principle emerges. Iturbide, 
Santa Anna, the War with the United States, Benito Juarez 
Maximilian, — these words all suggest a movement in the direc- 
tion of real government. Mexico was striving for better things. 
The common people were awaking. There was still, however, 
but the beginning of a middle class ; there was still the curse of 
personal politics and a heavy burden of ecclesiasticism. 

Then came Porfirio Diaz. He led his nation in material 
progress, aud for a long period ruled in peace. He made 
errors, fundamental errors. His Mexico was too largely fair 
on the outside. His schools did something ; the pity is he failed 
to realize it. In order to create a nation of ambassadorial 
rank he left his people ignorant, suspicious, divided, — Indians 
and peons. The impressive structure which he reared fell like 
a house of cards. The new gospel preached by Madero led to 
a successful revolution. 

It is particularly to the period from the time when the Diaz 
power tottered that this book is devoted. It is its purpose to 
show why Diaz failed; why Francisco I. Madero succeeded in 
revolution and failed miserably in government ; why there have 
been seven or eight revolutions since 1910; why Mexico hates 
us; why Huerta is in power; and why we should refrain from 
meddling in the internal affairs of Mexico. 



PREFACE 3 

Mexico and the United States are neighbors; they differ 
from each other markedly ; they represent and will continue to 
represent different forms of government; they may both be 
great nations in the future. They should be friends. 




*^>^^i^^kj<s. 



FEBRXJAEY, 1913— AND BEFORE AND AFTER. 
BUT THERE ARE OUTRAGES AGAINST CIVILIZATION ELSEWHERE. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



THE CENTENNIAL 

A GREAT OCCASION — THE FOREIGN REPRESENTATIVES PERMANENT IMPROVEMENTS 

— AN INSTRUCTIVE EXPOSITION THE COMMERCIAL PROCESSION A CURIOUS 

RELIC OF THE REVOLUTION A PICTURESQUE CELEBRATION FLAG DAY — 

THE MARTYR CADETS CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS INTERNATIONAL 

COURTESY — A DANGER SIGNAL 33 

THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 

THE HUMBOLDT MONUMENT — THE EDITORIAL GUESTS THE NATIONAL HOLIDAYS 

— CIVIC PROCESSION HISTORICAL PAGEANT — THE GRITO OF INDEPENDENCE 

THE MILITARY PARADE JAPANESE EXPOSITION SPLENDID ILLUMINA- 
TION — TORCH-LIGHTS AND CHORUS A CITY OF MONUMENTS NEW 

NATIONAL UNIVERSITY — A TRIO OF SENTIMENTAL FUNCTIONS THE PRESI- 
DENT IN THE CENTENNIAL THE COST OF CELEBRATION 53 

AQUILES SEEDAN 

A BAD GOVERNOR — AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE — BUTCHER CABRERA — ARNULFO ARROYO 
INCIDENT A STORY OF CABRERA THE FIRST OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLU- 
TION THE SEARCH; DEATH OF CABRERA THE BATTLE OF SANTA CLARA 

STREET — CARMEN SERDAN — THE CAPTURE OF THE SERDAN HOUSE — THE 
HIDDEN LEADER JOY IN PUEBLA A PENDENT TO THE CENTENNIAL 73 

THE lEON HAND 

THE EARLY LIFE OF DIAZ — HIS MILITARY CAREER — ^BATTLING AGAINST THE ARMY 

OF INTERVENTION DURING THE EMPIRE — ESCAPE FROM PRISON LEADER 

OF OPPOSITION TROUBLE WITH LERDO DE TEJADA — PRESIDENT FOR THE 

FIRST TIME — ADMINISTRATION OF MANUEL GONZALES DIAZ RETURNED TO 

POWER — MEXICO, A COUNTRY OF AMBASSADORIAL RANK — ENCOURAGEMENT 
OF PROGRESS — THE PIUS CLAIMS — RESUMPTION OF RELATIONS WITH 
AUSTRO-HUNGARY — EXPRESSION REGARDING THE MONROE DOCTRINE 85 

AZTEC MEXICO 

THE MARKS OP CIVILIZATION — THE MIGRATION STORY — DAILY LIFE OF AZTECS — 
AZTEC ARCHITECTURE — ARTS OF LIFE — EDUCATION AND ART — THE NATURE 
OP THE AZTECS — A BLOODY WORSHIP — ^THE NEW FIRE SECULAJR CEREMONY 
— THE BOUNDS OF EMPIRE — WHAT CORTES FOUND 101 

THE CONQUEST 

HERNAN CORTES — EXPEDITION TO MEXICO — PLAN OF CONQUEST — THE TLAXCALANS 

^ARRIVAL AT TENOCHTITLAN — SUPPRESSION OF PLOT OF NARVAEZ A 

CRITICAL SITUATION — BATTLE OF OTUMBA — THE LAST STRUGGLE — CORTES 

IN CHARGE — CAUSES OF EASY CONQUEST 113 



ii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

GUADALUPE 

THE RELIGIOUS CONQUEST THE STOEY OF THE VIRGIN OF GUADALUPE THE 

NATION 'S PATRON — DECEMBER 12 IN MEXICO THE CROWNING OF THE VIR- 
GIN — ALTAMIRANO 'S VERDICT 125 

THE GLOEIOUS CENTUEY— AND AFTEE 

RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION — SIXTEENTH CENTURY CULTURE — BOOK PRINTING — 
INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION MEXICO UNDER THE VICEROYS — MATERIAL DEVEL- 
OPMENT — SPAIN 'S POLICY — DISCRIMINATION AGAINST CREOLES — EDUCA- 
TION NEGLECTED RELIGIOUS SITUATION — ^VASSALAGE AND SLAVERY — 

MAKE-UP OF THE POPULATION 133 

A VILLAGE PEIEST 

TROUBLES IN SPAIN-^'cOMPLAINTS CF THE COLONISTS — THE FIRST MARTYR, VERDAD 

— ^CURA HIDALGO THE CRY OF INDEPENDENCE — CAPTURE OF GUANAJUATO 

— CONDITIONS IN THE CAPITAL — THE BATTLE OF LAS ORUCES — HIDALGO 
FLEES TO GUADALAJARA — PUNISHMENT OF GUANAJUATO — THE NEW GOV- 
ERNMENT THE BATTLE AT THE BRIDGE — THE END OF HIDALGO 'S REVOLU- 
TION MEXICAN CRUELTY 145 

STEUGGLE AND VICTOEY 

THE SECOND PERIOD; MORELOS — CONGRESS ORGANIZED — FATE OF MATAMORAS — 

ITURBIDE, THE TERRIBLE — THE THIRD PERIOD — MINA THE FINAL STAGE; 

GUERRERO DEFECTION OF ITURBIDE — SUCCESS OF THE REVOLUTION 157 

PATEIOT AND TEAITOE 

THE REAL CONDITIONS — ITURBIDE FOR INDEPENDENCE — THE THREE GUARANTEES 

— TREATY OF CORDOBA — TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO MEXICO ITURBIDE 

CROWNED EMPEROR — REVOLUTION AGAIN DEATH OF ITURBIDE 165 

SANTA ANNA 

VICTORIxV GUADALUPE — PLAN OF MONTANO — MASONRY IN MEXICO — SANTA ANNA 
AGAIN — GUERRERO'S FAILURE — SANTA ANNA IN A CONSTITUTIONAL ROLE 

MANGO DE CLAVO A REAL LIBERAL CENTRALIZATION POLICY IN FULL 

CONTROL IN THE WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES SERENE HIGHNESS 

PLAN OF AYOTLA 173 

WAE WITH THE UNITED STATES 

SECESSION OF TEXAS — ANNEXATION BY THE UNITED STATES — WAR BEGUN BY 

THE UNITED STATES COURSE OP THE WAR — SANTA ANNA'S PART — NATURE 

OF THE WAR — RESULTS OF THE WAR 185 

THE LITTLE INDIAN 

THE POLICIES OF GOMEZ FARIAS PROGRESSIVE LAWS — ^NEW CONSTITUTION — THE 

OPPOSITION — BENITO JUAREZ — PLIGHT OF THE LIBERAL GOVERNMENT — 

— EVENTS AT VERA CRUZ AGAIN IN CONTROL EUROPEAN INTERVENTION — 

MAXIMILIAN 'S EMPIRE — CHARACTER OF JUAREZ — A SPECTACULAR INCIDENT 

— AFTER THE EMPIRE 191 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. iii 

FAILUEE OF EMPIEE 

GUTIERREZ DE ESTRADA — EXmOPEAN INTERVENTION — CONFERENCE OF ORIZABA — 
PURPOSE OF FRANCE — BATTLES OF PUEBLA — INVITATION TO MAXIMILIAN 

— FERDINAND MAXIMILIAN — DECLINE OF EMPIRE DECREE OF OCTOBER 3, 

1865 — THE END OF EMPIRE 207 

MATEEIAL PEOGEESS 

RAILROAD DEVELOPMENT MISTAKES THE TEHUANTEPEC RAILWAY — ^FOREIGN 

CONTROL — HARBOR IMPROVEMENT THE DRAINAGE CANAL — INSTITUTIONAL 

DEVELOPMENT POST OFFICE AND OPERA HOUSE 219 

AETEE DIAZ, WHAT? 

TWO PHASES IN THE DIAZ REGIME MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT THE CIENETIFICOS 

LIMANTOUR AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? BERNARDO REYES — ^A CHANGE IX 

PROGRAM — REYES VERSUS LIMANTOUR RAMON CORRAL ENTERS — HIS CHAR- 1^ 

ACTER — RETIREMENT AND EXILE CF REYES THE END OF REYES 227 

A VOICE IN THE WILDEENESS 

"BARBAROUS MEXICO" — A FLOCD OF ANSWER TURNER'S BOOK TRUE — LAND CON- 
FISCATION — PLANTATION SLAVERY IN YUCATAN VALLE NACIONAL — THE 

RAILWAY DEAL AMERICAN PARTNERSHIP WITH DIAZ W JIAK POINTS. IN 

' ' BARBAROUS MEXICO. " 239 

THE NEW GOSPEL 

THE CREELMAN INTERVIEW — LA SUCESION PRESIDENCIAL EN 1910 — PERSONAL 
POLITICS — CONTINUANCE IN POWER — RESULTS OP MILITARISM THE VICE- 
PRESIDENCY — Q UESTI(1 N-CF MATERIAL PROGRESS — EFFECTS OF DIAZ ' GOV- 
ERNMENT — FITNE S S OF PEOPLE FOR DEMOCRACY MADERO 'S PROGRAM 253 

THE STOEY OF THE MADEEO EEVOLUTION 

MADERO 'S CAMPAIGN RE-ELECTION OF DIAZ AND CORRAL THREATENING INCI- 
DENTS — THE FIRSX-BAajSfcS feJSBaU UTION — THE STRUGGLE IN CHIHUAHUA 

— CHANGE OF 'governor — NEW TACTICS HOPE IN LIMANTOUR — YIELDING 

A LONG THE WHOLE LINE OVERTURES FOR PEACE BELATED CCNCKs SlQM«I— 

ARMISTICE AND ITEGOTIATICNS — THE FALL OF CIUDAD JUAREZ WILD 

SCENES THE RESIGNATION OP DIAZ — THE PEACE TREATY THE FINAL ACTS . . . 259 

INDIAN MEXICO 

MEXICAN INDIANS SUSPICIOUS — SUPERSTITIONS HOME LIFE OF INDIANS — INDIAN '^ 

CONSERVATISM IGNORANCE TRANSMISSION OF NEWS — THE INDIAN'S / 

DESIRE MISTAKEN INDIAN POLICY — SEPARATED AND ISOLATED — THE 1 

HOPE OF MEXICO 277 ) 

THE HOUSE OP CAEDS 

WIDESPREAD DISSATISFACTION — PREMONITORY RUMBLINGS — THE STORM BURSTS — 

AN EYE-WITNESS — RESTRAINT OF THE COMMON PEOPLE — THE FALL 289 



iv TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

INTEEIM GOVEKNMENT: DE LA BAREA 

DE LA BARRA'S ATTITUDE — A MONGREL CABINET — PROBLEMS PRESSING — THE DIS- 
ARMING OF REVOLUTIONISTS — BANDITRY — LOCAL OUTBREAKS — DEMANDS OF 
FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS — BREAK BETWEEN MADEBO AND VASQUEZ GOMEZ — 

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC IN LOWER CALIFORNIA — LABOR TROUBLES TROUBLE IN 

PUEBLA — ZAPATISM — THE FALL ELECTIONS — REYES AND HIS CAMPAIGN — 
RESULTS OF THE ELECTION — ATTITUDE OF THE ARMY 297 

FRANCISCO I. MADERO 

UNDER THE NEW REGIME — A CHANCE FOR OPTIMISM — THE COMPLAINTS AGAINST 

MADERO COUNTER-REVOLUTION OROZCO REYES — VASQUEZ GOMEZ — FELIX 

DIAZ ZAPATA — THE PRESIDENT 'S CONFIDENCE 313 

HELD UP TO RIDICULE 

HE FALLS UPRIGHT WITH HUEBTA — WAREHOUSED GOODS — COPYING — THE EMPTY 

CHEST — A DESPERATE MEASURE — THREATENING VOLCANOES — A USELESS 

PINE — BREAKING THE PINATA 323 

PASCnjAL OROZCO 

RELATIONS BETWEEN MADERO AND OROZCO LACK OF DISCIPLINE; MUTINY 

A POPULAR HERO SEED OF DISCORD — POLITICAL AMBITION THE COUNTER- 
REVOLUTION — HUERTA IN THE FIELD — OROZCO REAPPEARS 335 

ZAPATISM 

QUESTION OF LAND DISTRIBUTION — ATTEMPT TO DISBAND ZAPATA 'S FORCES 

RAMPANT BANDITRY — ENCIRCLING MOVEMENT BALKED DESPERATE SITUA- 
TION — EXCITEMENT IN CONGRESS — A FERVID ORATION — HUERTA 'S CAM- 
PAIGN — UNDER THE MADERO GOVERNMENT — SOURCE OF ZAPATISM 

ZAPATISTS IN FEBRUARY, 1913 345 

ANTI-AMERICANISM 

WE ARE DIFFERENT — WE DESIRE TO IMPROVE OTHERS — THEY KNOW THE WORLD — 
MEXICAN CITIES — CONSULS AND DIPLOMATS — OUR LAND HUNGER — THE 
EL PASO INCIDENT LATIN-AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS — TWO KINDS OF REVO- 
LUTIONS — EXPLOITATION OUTSPOKEN ANTI-AMERICANISM THE MONROE 

DOCTRINE — THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF NATIONS TAFT 'S MOBILIZA- 
TION — HARD PRESSED FOR EXPLANATION 355 

THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 

A TRIPLE PLOT THE FIRST ATTEMPT THE SECOND EFFORT — THE THIRD AND 

FINAL ATTEMPT — THE NINE DAYS ' BATTLE THE ARREST OF MADERO — 

MURDER OF GUSTAVO MADERO OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE DEATH OF MADERO 

AND PINO SUAREZ — BERNARDO REYES — ANOTHER VERSION OF THE BATTLE — 
EFFECT IN MEXICO — FELIX DIAZ MADE TO UNDERSTAND — MADERO 'S ERRORS 
— THE QUESTION OF RECOGNITION 371 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. v 

HUEETA— AND WILSON 

THE CRISIS IN MADERO'S RULE — HUERTA's WORK — COST OP THE NINE DATS ' 
BATTLE — TWO RESULTS — REVOLUTION IN THE NORTH — CARRANZA AND 

VILLA NORTH VERSUS SOUTH — ^ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES — 

MR. WILSON'S STATEMENT GOOD OFFICES JOHN LIND 's MISSION — THE 

DEMANDS — REPLY OF MEXICO AN EXODUS ORDERED HUERTA'S COUP 

d'etat — SHUTTING OFF RESOURCES — MYSTERY OF PASS CHRISTIAN — HALE 

AND CARRANZA — THE PRESENT STATUS 387 

JAPAN AND MEXICO 

OLD RELATIONS BETWEEN JAPAN AND MEXICO JAPAN'S COMMERCIAL GROWTH 

THE SCARE ABOUT MAGDALENA BAY — THE JUSTICE OF JAPAN'S POSITION 

THE MATTER OF THE SPECIAL ENVOY — THE FIRST APPOINTMENT THE 

SECOND APPOINTMENT FELIX DIAZ AND FINALLY — DE LA BARRA 409 

WHAT WILL COME? 

WHERE IS THE MAN PORFIRIO DIAZ ZAPATA — PASCUAL OROZCO — " PANCHO " 

VILLA — FELIX DIAZ — VASQUEZ GOMEZ FEDERICO GAMBOA DE LA BARRA 

HUERTA — CARRANZA — THE QUALITIES NECESSARY 421 

INTERVENTION 

A WILD PROJECT EFFECT OF ANNEXATION — COST OF WAR WE WILL NOT 

COLONIZE MEXICO PROTECTION OF INVESTMENTS POSITION OF THE 

INVESTOR — A MEXICAN PROBLEM ONLY A MIDDLE CLASS NEEDED — 

PERSONAL POLITICS — TYPE OF NATION LIKELY 435 




OEDEEED TO THE BOEDER, FOET BLISS. 



THE CENTENNIAL 



A GKEAT OCCASION THE FOEEIGIST EEPEESENTATIVES PEEMANEInTT 

IMPKOVEMENTS ^AN INSTEUCTIVE EXPOSITION THE COMMEECIAL 

PEOCESSION A CUEIOUS EELIC OF THE EEVOLUTION A PIC- 

TUEESQUE CELEBEATION FLAG DAY THE MAETYE CADETS CON- 

GEESS OF AMEEICAlSriSTS INTEENATIONAL COXTETESY A DANGEE 

SIGNAL. 

SEPTEMBER, 1910, must long be remembered for the bril- 
liant celebration of Mexico's Centennial. It was splendid 
pageantry. The world participated in it, and the world 
was astonished at its brilliancy. The Mexican Republic had 
looked forward to it, and talked of it, for years. Plan after plan 
had been proposed and discarded. At one time it looked as if 
the celebration might take the form of a great international 
exposition, but that idea was abandoned. It was finally decided 
to invite the world to come as guests for the inspection of the 
condition and achievement of the Republic. The Mexican Re- 
public was desirous of proving to the visitors its claim of being 
a progressive and advancing nation, entitled to the respect and 
admiration of the sister nations of the world. 

33 



34 THE CENTENNIAL 

A GREAT OCCASION 

An elaborate program of events to cover tlie whole month 
was worked out. Arrangements were made to receive and care 
for enormous crowds of visitors. A whole month of extra vaca- 
tion was granted to the children in the schools that they might 
witness the great object lesson in national patriotism. The 
entire country united in the celebration. Every station on every 
line of railroad was decorated with draperies in the national 
colors, with flags, and with escutcheons. Throughout the month 
all trains reached the city loaded with passengers. Thousands 
of young fellows born from mixed parents in the United States, 
many of whom had never seen. the country of their fathers 
before, came to visit the land where one or the other parent was 
born. Crowds of citizens from the outlying states, who had 
never seen the Capital, made their first trip to the great city — 
many times taking their first journey on a railroad train. The 
hotels were crowded, and no rooms were empty; crowds were 
turned away without a place to sleep ; the price of lodging was 
doubled, trebled ; rooms in private houses were held at stagger- 
ing rates; prices of restaurants soared upward; cocheros con- 
sidered every day a festival and collected double fares 
accordingly. 

The city itself was in gala dress for thirty days. Bunting 
and flags and escutcheons were on all f agades. The night illumi- 
nations were brilliant, electric lights everywhere repeating the 
national red, white and green, and the tinted plaster facing of 
the buildings lending itself admirably to the effect. 

THE FOEEIGF EEPEESENTATIVES 

The first great spectacular feature was the arrival and recep- 
tion of envoys from foreign lands. They had been sent by their 
home governments to participate in the rejoicing. Some came 
\n grandeur in war-vessels of their national navies. In sonic^ 
such cases commissions of welcome went to the coast to see, to 
meet, and to escort them. Whether they came by sea or land. 



THE CENTENNIAL 35 

they were officially received on entering the country. Their jour- 
ney toward the Capital was a continual ovation; salutes were 
fired, bands played, flags were raised, bells were rung, to wel- 
come them. Three grades of these foreign envoys were recog- 
nized — ambassadors, special envoys with rank of minister, and 
delegates. They came from twenty-eight different nations, 
Italy, Japan, the United States, Germany, China, Spain and 
France sent ambassadors ; special envoys with rank of minister 
came from Honduras, Austro-Hungary, Cuba, Costa Eica, Rus- 
sia, Portugal, Guatemala, Salvador, Peru, Panama, Brazil, Bel- 
gium, Chili, Argentina, Norway, Ecuador and Uruguay; dele- 
gates were sent from Switzerland, Venezuela and Columbia. 
The ambassadorial party from the United States, headed by 
ex-Governor Guild of Massachusetts, consisted of seventeen 
persons of whom several were ladies. Among the commission- 
ers were Congressmen Slayden and Foster, Senator Overman 
and General Harrison Gray Otis. The ambassadors were re- 
ceived in a body by President Diaz, the function being the most 
stately diplomatic event in the national history. Each ambas- 
sador made a speech of congratulation on behalf of his gov- 
ernment, and to each the President made an appropriate 
response. The following day a similar reception of the special 
envoys of ministerial rank took place. On Wednesday the na- 
tional delegates were received. Each day there was military 
escort, band music, bunting, gay uniforms, hurrahs. Following 
these diplomatic receptions a splendid reception and banquet 
was given by the Department of Foreign Affairs to the whole 
body of envoys. The decoration and illumination were magnifi- 
cent, the guests were resplendant in uniforms and decorations. 
Probably no equally brilliant social diplomatic function had ever 
taken place in North America. 

PEKMANEKT IMPROVEMENTS 

Less spectacular were the dedications, foundings, or open- 
ings, of philanthropic and ameliorative institutions. Never 
since the Conquest has Mexico lacked asylums and hospitals. In 



36 



THE CENTENNIAL 




Copyrighted by Uiiderwuud and Underwood 

GATHEEING TUNAS. SAN JUAN DE TEOTIHUACAN— SITE OF FAMOUS 
PYEAMIDS— POPULATION LAEGELY AZTEC— TUNAS AEE FRUIT OF 
THE PEICKLY PEAR CACTUS. 



THE CENTENNIAL 37 

the vice-royal days they were generally foundations due to 
individual piety or to the rehgious orders. The story of these 
old institutions abounds in romance and pathos and devotion. 
But the new Mexico builds state establishments and utilizes in 
them all that science and experience of other nations offer. 
One by one the old hospitals and asylums and public prisons 
have given way to up-to-date scientific establishments. The 
occasion of the centennial was utilized to usher a group of them 
into existence. It was good policy to show the world that Mexico 
plans institutions upon the finest and most approved standards. 
The first public event upon the month's program was the dedi- 
cation of the insane asylum at Mixcoac; the President of the 
Republic was present and performed the act of dedication. Two 
days later Vice-president Corral laid the cornerstone of the 
great general prison. Through the month other dedications 
and inaugurations proved to the visitors the fact that Mexico 
was up-to-date in the matter of public institutions. 

AN INSTRUCTIVE EXPOSITION 

Tending to the same demonstration was the hygienic exposi- 
tion which proved singularly interesting and popular. It was 
open through the whole month, free to all visitors. It was com- 
plete, well arranged, attractive and instructive, and would do 
credit to any nation. It represented and illustrated the food- 
supply of cities, street and city cleaning, destruction of waste, 
systems of plumbing, the production and handling of food, pub- 
lic markets, source and transmission of disease, disinfection, 
isolation and care of contagious diseases, and the like. The 
practical value of this well developed exposition is evident when 
one remembers Mexico's peculiar problems of valley drainage, 
yellow fever, typhus, mountain water, etc. The Mexicans have 
always been famously skilled for modeling little figures of na- 
tional types ; this art was here employed in the production of 
groups of figures which taught their lesson even to the young 
and ignorant. By such groups of little figures the old crowded 
tenements, filthy breeding places of disease, were contrasted 



38 THE CENTENNIAL 

with model houses for the poor; the old street-cleaning by 
human sweeps was contrasted with that by great street-clean- 
ing machines; the making of tortillas by hand in dirty rooms 
devoid of furniture was contrasted with the same primitive 
bread-making in cleaner, wholesomer surroundings, the washing 
of clothes in old and neglected public lavenderias was compared 
with laundrying in one of the fine new public laundries. Great 
public works, as the water-supply in cities, were shown by care- 
fully detailed models, on a scale sufficiently large to make them 
actual object lessons. The details of hospital management, dis- 
infection, lazaretos, isolation and treatment of yellow-fever, 
were all shown in detail. The degree to which the common 
people visited this exposition was astonishing ; men, women and 
children of the poorest class showed extraordinary quickness in 
appreciating its meaning. At night the little lecture-room con- 
nected with the exposition was crowded with hearers of lectures 
on foods and their clean treatment, cause and danger of tubercu- 
losis, sanitary care of tenements, drinking-water, purpose and 
methods of disinfection, and the like, 

THE COMMERCIAL PEOCESSION 

One hundred and twenty-five thousand persons are said to 
have witnessed the commercial procession. The buildings along 
the line of march were brilliantly draped. The procession in- 
cluded police and military bands, banners, laboring men, dis- 
plays and floats of individuals and companies; but its chief 
feature was the series of allegorical floats representing industry, 
banking, agriculture, commerce and mining. These were 
masterpieces of taste and skill. In the industrial float. Industry 
enthroned upon a mounting sun of progress was surrounded by 
figures of Science, Labor and Force and artistically displayed 
coats-of-arms of all nations. Banking was represented by a 
horn-of-plenty displayed beneath a dome supported by eight 
pillars and surmounted by a lion ; four golden lions guarded the 
corners of the car; the design symbolized wealth and strength 
in union; the names of the various banks in the capital city 



THE CENTENNIAL 39 

appeared upon the float. Upon the agricultural car were shown 
Mexican laborers with implements, upon a grassy field under 
palm-trees ; at the front of the car were the four goddesses of 
agriculture, Flora, Fauna, Ceres, and Pomona. For commerce, 
Mercury was represented as alighting upon Mexico, displayed 
upon a terrestrial globe; four nations representing the world 
quarters, drove lions ; female figures in front represented North 
and South America; other figures were those of Law, Justice, 
and Peace. In the float for mining the old and new mining 
methods were represented upon a mountain slope. A seated 
human figure represented mining industry ; seated upon a rock, 
she held in her hands a cleft globe showing hidden treasure ; in 
front female figures represented gold and silver ; above the whole 
group was the national eagle. 

A CURIOUS RELIC OF THE REVOLUTION 

The personal element in politics is notable in Latin- America. 
These warm-blooded southerners need a name, a hero, for full 
enthusiasm. The National Museum treasures many an object, 
the only interest and value of which is personal association. 
Maximilian's gaudy coach-of -state and Juarez' worn and never 
pretentious carriage are the delight of daily visitors. In connec- 
tion with the centennial celebration, the National Museum 
secured a new personal-association relic — ugly and unattrac- 
tive in itself, but associated with the father-of-his-coun- 
try, the Cura Hidalgo. It is the font from which the patriot, 
original leader of the revolution against Spain, hero of the 
event around which the whole month's celebration centered, 
was baptized. It is a simple wooden vessel with iron hooping 
and a stone support. It was brought from Cuitzeo by railroad, 
accompanied by a procession consisting of the parish priest, 
the town officials, and a member of the family of the patriot 
leader. It was taken from the railroad station through the 
city to the National Museum upon an allegorical car, to which 
a group of maidens dressed in white served as an escort of honor. 
The float was draped with the national colors above which were 



40 



THE CENTENNIAL 




Copyrighted by Underwood aud-Underwood 

VIEW OF JALAPA, CAPITAL OF VEKA CRUZ, ONE OF THE MOST BEAU- 
TIFUL CITIES OF MEXICO. IN THE HOT LANDS. 



THE CENTENxNIAL 



41 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood "^ 

MAEKET SCENE IN AMECAMBCA. IN AN INDIAN EEGION. PLACE 

OF RELIGIOUS PILGRIMAGE. PLACE FROM WHICH POPOCATE- 
PETL IS BEST ASCENDED. 



42 THE CENTENNIAL 

the sun and cap of liberty with the words, Lihertad and Independ- 
encia; the floor of the car was strewn with flowers, and at its 
four corners were golden vases filled with roses. Behind the car 
and its escort marched twenty thousand school children and 
teachers. Crowds thronged the way, and the passage of the car 
called forth outbursts of vivas. The simple priest, unsuccessful 
leader of the Eevolution, is better known to common Mexicans, 
both old and young, than any other national hero ; his picture is 
displayed in every schoolroom and every village office. When 
the procession reached the entrance to the museum court, the 
military band played the national hymn; patriotic addresses 
were made by the Secretary of Public Instruction and others, as 
the precious relic was passed over to the permanent keeping of 
the museum authorities. It is said that the people of Cuitzeo 
went into mourning and that its old men wept at the loss of the 
village treasure. 

A PICTUEESQUE CELEBRATION FLAG DAY 

The public heart was deeply touched and the foreign guests 
profoundly impressed by the flag-day celebration. Six thousand 
school children participated. Eleven public squares were sites 
for the ceremony. The children were first assembled at their 
schoolhousea, whence they marched with music to the nearest 
plaza, where the salutation was made. The greatest interest 
of course was at the central plaza of the city, where the celebra- 
tion was witnessed by President Diaz and the members of his 
cabinet. When they appeared upon the balcony of the national 
palace, they were greeted with cheers and the waving of thou- 
sands of national flags. After some music, hundreds of the 
smallest children, with a little flag in one hand and a bouquet 
of flowers in the other, advanced to the great flag which had been 
raised and deposited their flowers. After that, the thousands of 
other children advanced in orderly groups and, passing beneath 
the national emblem, repeated the vow of allegiance to the flag, 
and sang the Song to the Banner which had been written for 
the occasion. After all had saluted the flag, the army of children 



THE CENTENNIAL 43 

sang the national hymn, all kneeling at the passage where the 
national land is invoked, and remaining in a kneeling position to 
the close of the stanza. "When they arose, they waved their 
flags to the President with enthusiastic vivas, while the bells 
■of the cathedral pealed. 

THE MARTYR CADETS 

On the eighth of September every year, Mexico shows honor 
to the memory of the martyr cadets. It is one of the simplest 
and sinceresit outbursts of the national heart. We speak of the 
victory of Chapultepec, and the assault upon the famous rock 
was a deed of bravery; but the defenders were mere boys, cadets 
of the military school, who died in the defense of their nation. 
The ceremony is always pathetic and fervent; but in the cen- 
tennial year it was more so than usual. The President, in full 
uniform as general of division, went to the monument accom- 
panied by his military staff and his full cabinet. Each and all 
placed there his wreath to the memory of the martyr boys. 
General Otis, of the American Commission, was present, and, 
as he placed his wreath of flowers, said: ''Although I am an 
American, I am a soldier before all else, and thus I pay homage 
to the brave boys of Chapultepec." 

CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS 

A notable event of the centennial celebration was the Con- 
gress of Americanists. That dignified, international body meets 
bi-ennially. In 1910 it held a double session, first at Buenos 
Aires, Argentina, then one at Mexico. The gathering includes 
anthropologists, ethnographers, archaeologists, geographers 
and historians. All are interested in American subjects, and 
only such are discussed. The meetings at Mexico in 1910 was at- 
tended by governmental delegates from Germany, Austro- 
Hungary, Costa Rica, Cuba, Japan, the United States, Guate- 
mala, Italy, the Netherlands and Salvador, and representatives 
from universities and learned societies as well as by many non- 
official and non-representing students. Its sessions continued 



44 



THE CENTENNIAL 




Copyrighted by unaerwooa ana Lnderwood 

PEIMARY SCHOOL, JALAPA. THE SCHOOI. IS HELD IN A TYPICAL 
PATIO OR INTERIOR COURT, OPEN TO THE SKY. 



THE CENTENNIAL 



45 




Copyrighted, by Underwood and Underwood 



AZTEC WOMEN AT WELL, AMATLAN. AMATLAN, NEAR CORDOBA, STATE 
OP VERA CRUZ, IS A PURELY AZTEC TOWN. THE POPULATION IS 
NOTED FOR ITS INDUSTRY AND CLEANLINESS. 



46 THE CENTENNIAL 

through a week, and its program included several interesting 
excursions to famous ruins. The Minister of Public Instruction 
extended a reception to the Congress. Among the guests were 
distinguished foreigners, men of world reputation, brilliant in 
decorations. At the formal session of opening held in the 
famous old Mineria the address of welcome was made by Min- 
ister Sierra. The President of the Eepublic attended an even- 
ing session at the National Museum and welcomed the delegates. 

The excursion of the Congress to the Pyramids of San Juan 
de' Teotihuacan, which lie at about an hour's distance by rail 
from the City of Mexico, was especially brilliant. The Congress 
had a special train decorated with the national colors. The 
excursion was a combined courtesy to the Government Envoys 
and to the Congress of Americanists tendered by the Minister 
of Foreign Eelations and the Minister of Public Instruction. 
Enrique C. Creel, Minister of Foreign Eelations was in attend- 
ance. He is well known to Americans, having been ambassador 
to the United States. Most of the diplomatic visitors made the 
excursion, and the party numbered more than two hundred in- 
dividuals. From the San Juan station the little pyramid rail- 
road took the excursionists out to the ruins. A first-class coach 
had been provided for the diplomats ; the members of the Con- 
gress rode on platform cars supplied with chairs. Stops were 
made to inspect the '' painted house," the '' palace" — wonderful 
ruins below the level of the surrounding country, stairways, 
plastered walls, cement floorings and an ancient well; the '' pyra- 
mid of the sun" is an impressive structure with stone facing, 
terraces, platforms and stairways; the excursionists walked 
through the old *' street of the dead," now called ''the sacred 
way," to inspect a recently excavated old temple pyramid, the 
plastered walls of which bear paintings of fruits and flowers in 
colors quite fresh and bright. 

But even diplomats and scientists must eat and drink, and 
the party passed from the museum to the cavern christened 
the ^'Gruta Porfirio Diaz," in honor of the president. In that 



THE CENTENNIAL 47 

yawning cave, in the red volcanic rock, tables had been 
splendidly spread, and the guests sat down to an elaborate 
banquet, into the make-up of which fine wines entered. Well- 
trained bands played national airs. At the tables sat Chinese, 
Japanese, Chileans, and other South Americans, Central Ameri- 
cans, Mexicans, Austrians, Germans, French, Spaniards, Dutch 
and Americans. It was an interesting, a curious, gathering. 
From above and outside a group of natives crowded round the 
opening and peered down through the rocky throat upon the 
gay scene, thus adding quaint picturesqueness. They were 
largely of Indian blood and talked Aztec. Were they descend- 
ants of the builders of the pyramids, or were those of another 
race? What were their thoughts as they looked down upon the 
eaters in the bowels of the earth ? Did they think ? Who knows ? 

INTEENATIONAL COUETESY 

A striking feature of the centennial was the presentation of 
monuments to Mexico by other nations or by the representatives 
of other nations living in Mexico. Spain gave a monument of 
Isabella the Catholic. The Emperor William presented one 
of Humboldt; there was special appropriateness in the gift, as 
Humboldt visited Mexico, lived in the city and wrote a great 
work upon the politics and economics of the country — a work 
still quoted with reverence by Mexicans, who know nothing of 
more recent foreign writers about their country. France erected 
a monument to Pasteur, less strikingly appropriate perhaps, but 
graciously and gracefully presented. There were other similar 
gifts. We were slow in taking the idea and nationally did noth- 
ing; the American residents, however, in Mexico, promised to 
give a statue of George Washington. The government of Mexico 
accepted their offer and assigned the Plaza Dinamarca, near 
the American colony, as its site. The dedication of the site took 
place on Sunday, the eleventh of September. A simple stand 
had been erected and draped with the national colors of the 
nations. Before it, under awnings, were about 150 chairs for 
guests. No invitations were issued. The President and his 



48 



THE CENTENNIAL 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 
MANGOES CUERNAVACA. ONE OF THE FINEST TROPICAL FRUITS 
IS THE MANGO. CUERNAVACA, IN THE STATE OF MORELOS 
HAS ONE OF THE FINEST CLIMATES OF THE WORLD. IT IS 
WITHIN THE RANGE OP ZAPATA'S CONTROL. 



THE CENTENNIAL 



49 




Copyrighted by Uiideiuood and UudenNOOd 

STOCK OF SOMBEEEOS, MEXICO. THE SOMBEEEO IS THE TYPICAL 
HAT OF THE TEUE MEXICAN. 



50 THE CENTENNIAL 

Cabinet, the American Commission and a few guests occupied 
the platform. Charles R. Hudson, long in railway service in 
Mexico, opened the exercises. The American Ambassador, 
Henry Lane Wilson, made the formal address of presentation, 
in the course of which he expressed the hope that ^ ' the life, the 
deeds, the sacrifices, the wisdom and the patriotism of Washing- 
ton speaking from the lips of the monument that is to be erected 
here, may be an inspiration and a signal to the rising genera- 
tion in Mexico, as they are to the children of the Great Patriot's 
own land." 

A DANGER SIGNAL 

Far more interesting, however, than the dedication of the 
site of a Washington Monument, or the laying of the corner- 
stone of a monument to Pasteur (a function far more preten- 
tious and brilliant than our own simple ceremony), was the 
spectacle we witnessed little more than a stone's throw away 
from the Pasteur celebration. We were on our way home from 
the dedication, walking through the Paseo ; close by the Colum- 
bus statue in the first glorieta, was a dense crowd of men and 
women with banners, wreaths and large floral pieces. We knew 
that the Circido Michoacanense was to honor Morelos and be- 
lieved this to be their function. Loving beautiful Morelia and 
the Tarascan land we walked over to witness their celebration. 
But no — this was not the Circulo Michoacanense. It was quite 
different; it was a demonstration of ''the opposition." For 
the most part, it was a band of common working people, men and 
women; there were, however, a number of well-dressed men 
among them. Their conduct was irreproachable. From their 
banners we saw that they represented various anti-reelection 
societies. One tall, spare, nervous woman bore a banner of red 
silk, of the anti-reelection league — "the Daughters of Cuauhte- 
moc, ' ' a stirring name when one remembers the inflexibility with 
which the last great chief of the Aztecs endured the torture of 
the Spanish conqueror. One banner was decorated with the por- 
trait of the dogged and persistent Indian president whose name 



THE CENTENNIAL 51 

just now is on many tongues — Benito Juarez ; an anti-reelection 
league bears his name. There was a white banner with the 
words Ley Comtitucional de 1857 (Constitutional Law of 1857). 
There was no time to look at other banners in detail, as the 
groups carrying their beautiful floral pieces and a dozen or so 
banners, began to sing the national hymn before they should 
march and deposit their offering in memory of the patriot fath- 
ers. Castro, chief of the mounted police, face flaming and 
sword raised, rode into the party upon his horse, in a rage de- 
manding, ''Who is leader here?" There was no response and 
he ordered his men to disperse the crowd. The band stood firm,^ 
secure in their constitutional right of peaceable assembly. A 
charge was made, and the mounted police rode into the party 
raising their swords and threatening, while a cordon of foot 
police closing in, cleared a great circle and kept back the crowd. 
The floral pieces were dropped in a heap and some of the ban- 
ners ; but most of the standard-bearers clung to their ensigns. 
The band was dispersed, but almost instantly closed in again, 
crowding around the ruins of their celebration. Again the 
mounted police charged and broke them down ; again it took but 
a moment to reform, but at a little distance. Again and yet 
again the same thing happened, but at last the little party 
dwindled away. The police bundled a bunch of banners into a 
coach and bore them off in triumph. Some of the league leaders, 
among them the bearer of the banner of the Daughters of Cuauh- 
temoc, were taken off to Belem prison. The heap of floral pieces 
lay neglected in the middle of the driveway with a single banner 
upright in it, bearing the words. Ley Constitucional de 1857, as 
if in derision. A decent-looking young fellow wearing an anti- 
reelection badge, seeing me looking at the heap, said, ''Un 
monumento, Senor, a nuestra independencia." (''A monument, 
sir, to our independence.") In reality, talking as a democrat 
and a republican, are not two terms too long for any president! 
May we never seen one serve more ! for no man is good enough 
to serve an actual republic, where a democratic spirit lives, 
so long. 



52 



THE CENTENNIAL 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 



WATEE-SELLEE, GUANAJUATO. ONCE A COMMON SCENE, NOW EABE. 
THE CITY IS NOW SERVED BY WATERWOEKS. 




EXECUTION OF PEISONEE. 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 



THE HUMBOLDT MONUMENT THE EDITORIAL GUESTS THE NATIONAL 

HOLIDAYS CIVIC PEOCESSION HISTORICAL PAGEANT THE GEITO 

OF INDEPENDENCE THE MILITARY PAEADE JAPANESE EXPOSI- 
TION SPLENDID ILLUMINATION TORCH-LIGHTS AND CHOEUS 

A CITY OF MONUMENTS NEW NATIONAL UNIVEESITY A TRIO OF 

SENTIMENTAL FUNCTIONS THE PRESIDENT IN THE CENTENNIAL 

THE COST OF CELEBRATION. 

THE City of Mexico is notable for its public monuments. 
To these was added during the. celebration of the cen- 
tennial a monument of Baron von Humboldt. Wherever 
the Germans go in Latin America they prosper. They conform 
so far as may be necessary to local custom and prejudice, and 
thus establish substantial business houses and gain a powerful 
influence. In Mexico no other foreign ''colony" has so strong 

53 



54 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 

a hold on government and society as the German. "When the 
German residents act as a body the affair is always notable. 

THE HUMBOLDT MONUMENT 

The monument of Alexander von Humboldt was a direct 
present to the Mexican nation from the German emperor. The 
site assigned for it was a most happy one at the corner before 
the fine old monastery building which serves as the national 
library. The ceremony of the unveiling of the statue had been 
indefinitely announced to take place in the forenoon, and by 
10 o'clock a crowd had gathered; by 11 the place was jammed; 
by 12 it was a surging and pusliing mob — though a good- 
natured one. Probably not one in twenty of the crowd that 
stood there jostling in the hot sunshine knew or cared 
what was taking place. There was indeed some query as 
to why the monument? who Humboldt was? whether he was 
a Mexican? a general? When he was declared to be a German 
some wanted to know whether there was a difference between 
the Germans and the "Gringos Americanos." It was with 
difficulty that the police now and then opened a passage for 
man or vehicle through the crowd. Occasionally a "hola" of 
ragamuffins formed, and by sheer weight-strength, for fun, 
forced its way through the struggling mass. When finally at 
noon the German Ambassador and a committee from the colony 
arrived with an escort of 200 marines from the German man- 
of-war, the crowd went into ecstasy, and a wave of vivas fol- 
lowed them. Other delegations arrived in coaches, then the 
cabinet, and last of all President Diaz heralded of course by the 
national hymn. The President was received at the door of the 
library building and conducted to the platform. The German 
chorus of male voices sang some selections, and after some pre- 
liminary speeches, the Ambassador made the formal address 
of presentation. In it he said : ' * Marble upon granite, symboliz- 
ing the purity of our sentiments and the strength of our friend- 
ship." The Governor of the Federal District, Guillermo de 
Landa y Escandon, responded, accepting the gift on behalf of 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 55 

tlie nation. The party then marched to the foot of the curtained 
statue where at 1 o 'clock the President drew the cords and dis- 
played the figure to the crowd which burst into a roar of enthu- 
siastic vivas; at the moment when the curtain fell away, flags 
of Germany and Mexico were run up. The party was then 
whirled away to an elegant champagne luncheon given by the 
German residents, where toasts were drunk, speeches made, 
and a young nephew of the Kaiser, imported for the occasion, 
was lionized. In the evening there was a special rendering of 
Lohengrin at the theater. The statue itself is a fine piece of 
work in pure white marble; the standing figure represents a 
man in the youthful prime of life. We are so used to seeing 
the representation of the great scientist as an octogenarian that 
this youth comes as a shock ; but it is quite appropriate, as the 
Humboldt who lived here in Mexico and wrote the Political 
Essay on New Spain was a young man. His work was written 
a century ago, and his studies here were made in the vice-royal 
days before the grito of independence was sounded. The 
pedestal of granite bears the inscription — The German Emperor 
to the Mexican Nation. 

THE EDITOKIAL GUESTS 

The arrival of the American editorial party was one of the 
important events of the week. The bringing of the party into 
existence was due to the energy and effort of Paul Hudson, 
manager of the Mexican Herald, a well edited paper. Mr. 
Hudson went to meet the party and brought it to the city by 
a special train. Four of the editors were Canadians, thirty- 
seven, Americans. They were well treated en route, stopping 
at Guanajuato and Queretaro where much attention was shown 
them. In the capital city they were feted and shown the sights. 
All of them were live men, and among them were Samuel Bowles, 
of the Springfield Eepublican, Victor Murdock — insurgent, of 
the Wichita Eagle, Victor Eosewater of the Omaha Bee, Hamil- 
ton Holt of the Independent, Arthur W. Page of the World's 
Work. Every opportunity was given to these gentlemen to 



56 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 




Copyrighted by "Underwood and Undenvood 

STEAWBEERIES, lEAPUATO. IN lEEIGATED FIE^UDS THE FEUIT IS 
PEODUCED AND SOLD EVEEY DAY THEOUGHOUT THE YEAR. 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 57 

see as much of Mexico as their time permitted. They were 
** steered" of course and saw only what was most favorable; 
they went away greatly impressed by the marvelous develop- 
ment which has taken place under Porfirio Diaz. It was believed 
that their visit would tend to make Mexico better known through- 
out the United States. 

THE NATIONAL HOLIDAYS 

The culmination of the celebrations of the month took place 
upon the national holidays — the fourteenth, fifteenth and six- 
teenth. The fifteenth is the anniversary of the birth of Porfirio 
Diaz, he being then eighty years old ; the sixteenth is the anni- 
versary of the birth of the nation, then one hundred years old. 

CIVIC PEOCESSION 

On the fourteenth was the Civic Procession in which about 
twenty thousand people were in line; the parade took an hour 
and a half in passing the reviewing balcony of the President 
at the Palace. Everything under heaven participated in it — all 
sorts and conditions of men, women and children; there were 
brilliant uniforms, there were frock coats and high hats, there 
were the daily costumes of ordinary labor, all in line. The 
participants were grouped in divisions and marshalled and 
labeled. Of course there were police and city fathers, congress- 
men and judges, and a horde of bureau clerks and officers; it 
could not else have been a civic procession. There were proces- 
sions of school children and teachers, professional men of every 
grade, and representatives of scientific and literary organiza- 
tions. There were students from schools, among whom a band 
of Chinese boys attracted great attention. Wonderfully popular 
were the marines from the German Ambassador's suite and a 
considerable body of marines from the Argentinan man-of-war, 
Presidente Sarmiento. There were groups from many parts of 
the republic, arranged in the alphabetical order of their local 
provenance, but the only one attracting marked attention was 
that from Campeche in characteristic rural dress and wearing 



58 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 

great sombreros. There was a division showing representatives 
of the press, and the independent press was conspicuously non- 
represented; only El Paladin was there; neither El Mexicano, 
El Constitucional, El Progreso Latino, La Repuhlica, El Diario 
del Hogar, Lealdad, El Ciudadano, or El Padre Padilla was in 
line. This fact is much too significant to be forgotten. Trades 
were represented in the labor organizations. All of these groups 
carried floral pieces, some large and elaborate, others more 
simple, while the great majority of individuals in the procession 
carried bouquets or loose flowers. Mexico is the land of flowers. 
One of the fine features in the Mexican character, from the 
Indian side of their ancestry, is the love of flowers and the 
lavish and artistic employment of them in public celebration. 
The old Aztecs on festive occasions made bowers and arches of 
flowers ; the miserable Indians of Oaxacan villages today, on the 
rare occasions when their archbishop makes a pastoral visita- 
tion — carried in a chair on human shoulders — flock to meet 
him on the road and almost bury him in flowers; and the 
Mexicans of cultured Mexico, from the meanest peon to the 
grandest of the land, love to lay flowers at the feet of the 
''heroes." For, to lay flowers at the feet of the ''heroes" is 
the end and purpose of this great outpouring of thousands of 
human beings. At the great Plaza the two approaches to the 
Cathedral were bordered by two lines of soldiers drawn up on 
guard. After passing in their line of march through the parade 
streets of the city, the marchers entered the Plaza, and passed 
around the Zocalo, past the Palace, where they were reviewed 
by the President and his guests, to the Cathedral, where the 
floral offerings were taken from them and carried through the 
lines of guards into the Cathedral, where they were laid before 
the urns containing the ashes of the "heroes." 

HISTOKICAL PAGEANT 

On the morning of the fifteenth the Historical Procession 
took place, a brilliant pageant. It consisted of three parts — 
representing the three great periods of Mexico's romantic 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 59 

history — Conquest, Vice-royalty and Independence. The first 
reproduced the famous meeting of Cortes and Montezuma on 
the seventh day of November, 1519. In its make-up 839 persons 
were employed ; two parties were represented — Montezuma and 
his Indians, Cortes and his Spaniards. For the first party actual 
Indians had been brought in from outside villages; they had 
been kept in the city for weeks and carefully trained in their 
parts. Great care and much study was made that details of 
dress, standards, war equipment, weapons, utensils, etc., might 
be historically true. Servants, messengers, warriors, priests, 
chiefs, and Montezuma ("the chief of men") were all repre- 
sented. In the Spanish group of Cortes and his soldiers, the 
Indian woman Malintzin (or Marina) was conspicuous with her 
attendants. The "chief of men" was borne in his elegant litter, 
while the Spanish war-captain rode his famous gray. When the 
procession reached the Plaza, the two parties separated, and 
passing by different sides of the Zocalo, met before the Palace, 
where President Diaz and his guests viewed the tableau. Cortes 
dismounted from his horse, Montezuma descended from his 
litter, and they exchanged characteristic salutations and made 
presents to each other. The second scene was drawn from Vice- 
royal times, say about 1740. It reproduced the pageant of those 
days known as the Paseo del Pendon, which was annually cele- 
brated on the thirteenth of October, the date of the Conquest. 
The reproduction of this favorite pageant of 200 years gone 
by was curiously interesting and brilliant. Two hundred and 
eighty-eight persons participated in the production, including 
the Alfarez on horseback with a pendon (banner), the Alcaldes, 
Eegidors, Alguacils, Oidors, and the Vice-roy himself. The third 
scene consisted of five handsome allegorical cars divided by a 
brilliant procession — the whole commemorating heroes and inci- 
dents of the Eevolution and Independence. The procession 
represented the entry of the "Army of the Three Guarantees" 
under Augustin de Iturbide ; it was a magnificent spectacle, far 
too brilliant, for there has surely never been a time since 1810 
when any army of Mexico has been so splendidly uniformed. 



60 



TI-IE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 

CUTTING SUGAR CANE, ISTHMUS OF TEHUANTEPEC AMERICAN 
PLANTATIONS HAVE BEEN DEVELOPED ALL OVER THIS REGION. 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 61 

The five allegorical cars were presented by as many states. The 
first, to the glorification of the Cura Hidalgo, was furnished by 
the State of Hidalgo; the second, to the honor of Morelos, by 
the State of Michoacan, the capital of which, Morelia, com- 
memorates the hero 's name ; the third allegorized the defense of 
Chapultepec by the cadets of the military academy and was given 
by Vera Crnz ; the fourth was given by the State of Tabasco ; 
the fifth by Colima. 

THE GBITO OF INDEPENDENCE 

The event of the year for the common Mexican is the giving 
of the grito on the night of September fifteenth. Never perhaps 
was there a greater crowd in the Plaza than on that night in the 
centennial year. The great square was crowded by 8 o'clock; 
long before 11 it was a mass of humanity so tightly packed 
that one could scarcely find his way through it. The night was 
cold, but people perspired and fainted and swooned from heat 
and lack of air. One could not fall in such a crowd ; some, weary, 
slept on foot. The front of the Palace was a splendor of lights 
and its every window-balcony and hundreds of seats upon the 
roof, were occupied by the president's guests. The lovely 
illumination of the Cathedral towers and of the fagades of the 
other buildings fronting on the Plaza, shed a clear light upon 
the crowd. To pass the time and keep the people good-humored, 
fireworks were discharged — set pieces and flights of rockets, 
bombs and fire-pots. As 11 o'clock approached, all eyes were 
fixed upon the central window-balcony where the President and 
his particular guests had long been seated, looking out upon the 
brilliant scene and the surging mass of humanity. At that hour 
the President arose and stepped forth with the flag of the 
nation in his hand ; waving it, he gave the grito : "Viva Mexico, 
Viva Lihertad, Viva la Repuhlica." At once the great bells of 
the Cathedral clanged, and then all the bells of all the churches. 
Pandemonium reigned. "Solas" were formed everywhere; 
bunches of from a half dozen to fifty boys and young men ran 
through the streets, cheering, howling, hooting, blowing paper 



62 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 

horns, doing every ridiculous thing that struck their fancy. 
This was kept up for hours in the brilliantly lighted city streets. 

THE MILITARY PAEADE 

On the sixteenth took place the great annual Military Parade. 
The Ambassadors, the Cabinet, the President, hastened in auto- 
mobiles or carriages from the dedication of the Statue of the 
Independence to the Palace for review. The procession took 
more than two hours in passing any given point and was the 
greatest of the kind ever held in Mexico; it differed from its 
predecessors by the presence of marines from other nations — 
German, French, Argentinan and Brazilian. The cadets led; 
then came the foreign marines ; then the infantry, the artillery 
and the regular cavalry in order; at the end came that which 
always most stirs Mexican enthusiasm — the rurales, or mounted 
country force. The rurales are well mounted and good riders ; 
they wear the characteristic charro costume — gray felt som- 
breros, square-cut buckskin jackets and close-fitting trousers, all 
bright with silver braid. The metal helmets and drooping 
plumes of other soldiers may be fine and new, but they are not 
typically Mexican, and the common man in the pressing crowd 
knows it right well; the charro, sombrero and the silver braid 
belong to Mexico, and at every annual procession of the military 
stir the heart and call forth a wave of vivas as nothing else. 

JAPAISTESE EXPOSITION 

Very early in the centennial celebration the Japanese Ex- 
position was opened. It was kept open almost continuously 
through the month, only closing occasionally for a day that 
new exhibits might be installed. It was housed in a very ugly 
building variously known as the Iron Hall or Crystal Palace, 
near the Buena Vista railroad station. Ugly the building is, 
but not badly adapted for exhibition purposes. The exposi- 
tion did much to interest the two nations in each other, and its 
existence was symptomatic of growing relations between the 
two countries. Its opening was made a great social event. 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 63 

The President and Mrs. Diaz, cabinet officials, resident and 
visiting diplomats, and the society of Mexico were guests, while 
the Japanese Charge d 'Affaires and his lady, and representa- 
tives of the Exposition Company were hosts. There were music 
and fireworks, inspection of exhibits and a champagne luncheon 
after which the President and the Japanese representative ex- 
changed compliments. Time was, in the days before we were 
born, when there were definite relations between Mexico and 
Japan. In the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries 
the trade with the Philippines was developed, and Mexico was 
the middle point between Spain and the Islands. Japanese and 
Chinese goods were brought back in the old galleons ; Mexican 
missionaries went to convert the pagan lands. There are few 
more romantic features in history than those of this old contact. 
But the Eevolution and Independence of Mexico interrupted 
these relations, and for a long time Japan and Mexico barely 
knew each other. Relations have recently again been resumed. 
Japanese laborers have been imported to assist in developing 
Mexico's resources, and notwithstanding a momentary opposi- 
tion, will continue to be brought in; a Japanese steamship line 
connects Tokio with Guaymas, Manzanillo, and Salina Cruz; 
commerce is developing. All this renders the Japanese Exposi- 
tion significant. Its commercial aspect was much too evident; 
the things brought together were hardly a fair showing of good 
average grade. There was carved wood furniture — after 
Chinese fashion — china and porcelain, carved ivory, lacquer — 
but to one who knows and loves Japanese art industry, the show 
was disappointing. Still it attracted attention, and visitors 
at one peso, charged to keep out the ''agglomeration," were 
numerous, and all bought something. 

SPLENDID ILLUMINATIONS 

The night illuminations through the month were magnificent. 
The famous thoroughfare, Plateros-San Francisco-Avenida- 
Juarez, was brilliant every night, as were the streets parallel- 
ing it on either side ; the central square, the Plaza Mayor, upon 



64 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 

INDIAN MAEKET, AMBCAMECA. IN THE VIIAAGEl CHUUCH IS THE 
FAMOUS MIEACULOUS IMAGE OF CHRIST. 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 65 

whicli they end, was splendid. The Plaza is the heart of Mexico ; 
it was the market-place, the gathering-point and temple-site of 
the old Aztec city. At either entrance to San Francisco-Plateros 
was an arrangement of festooned lights like a canopy ; seen from 
a distance, it gave the impression of great crimson curtains set 
in, and pendent from gold. Between these canopies, on both 
sides of the street, shops and business houses vied with each 
other in brilliant and striking combinations. The street is not 
wide, and the buildings (from three to five stories) are remark- 
ably uniform in height, and not too high. This narrowness of 
street and uniformity and lowness of buildings combined to 
give a compactness and density to the illumination. The setting 
of poles bearing esutcheons, national colors and strings of lights, 
at regular intervals, brought the whole mass of illuminations, 
varied though they were according to individual caprice and 
fancy, into a harmony that is lacking in our own finest displays. 
While strings and lines of plain lights were the foundation in 
all combinations, green and crimson were scattered in to give 
the national colors. Here and there a store-front blazed with 
the national flag, or coat-of-arms in colors, with the lights so 
closely set as to give the effect of a gem-studded surface. Now 
and then a corner building presented a resplandor. The great 
Plaza was like fairy land. The famous Cathedral occupies one 
side, the long low National Palace another, the Municipal Build- 
ing and business houses, both with portales, fill the other two. 
The Municipal Building, recently renovated, remains true to old 
Mexican standards in character, with pillars and decorated 
work, and lends itself to illumination as if constructed for the 
purpose. In the National Palace lines of lights marked out 
each window-balcony and doorway, a resplandor was placed 
above the famous bell of the president's balcony, and a bril- 
liant star-rosette was placed about each window-space along the 
roof-line ; these star-rosettes were arranged alternately at two 
levels. But the cathedral was the most glorious sight ; its grace- 
ful towers were trimmed along each curve with plain lights 
amid which just enough green and crimson were tipped in to 



66 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 

suggest the tri-color; at the base of one tower gleamed, 1810 
Libertad at the base of the other 1910 Progreso. Behind and to 
the right of the cathedral rose the graceful and slender tower 
of a neighboring church all outlined in blue. The effect against 
the night sky was weirdly beautiful. After passing from the 
Palace through San Francisco-Plateros at the beginning of 
Avenida Juarez, a change was necessitated by the conditions. 
Here the thoroughfare widens, and buildings occupy but one side 
of the street; the other borders the famous Alameda — one of 
the finest park groves in America. Here the whole system of 
lighting had to be changed. The lines of regularly spaced 
poles, with escutcheons and colors, continued ; from them were 
stretched across the wide street pairs of diagonal strings of 
lights crossing in the middle. The effect of these many inter- 
secting diagonals was that of a continuous star-studded awning 
stretching for blocks. It was worth while to walk under this, 
from beginning to end, in order to see the illumination of the 
new building of the Department of Foreign Eelations. It is a 
building of stone, two stories and a half in height, elegantly 
simple and plain, save that the upper half-story fa§ade is 
adorned with allegorical statues, full figures. At the middle 
point of the cornice is the national eagle. The whole f agade of 
the building is illuminated by one of those new ghostly lights — 
uranium perhaps ; its source is concealed, and the light is thrown 
upward by reflectors, so that the w^hole fagade of the building, 
figures and eagle included, is bathed in a lovely shimmering 
blue-green light like the phosphorescence of the night waves 
of tropic seas; — all but the upper line of the cornice, which is 
of a rich amber-yellow. 

TOECH-LIGHTS AND CHOEUS 

In the Torch-light Procession of the nineteenth it is said 
that ten thousand persons carrying banners and paper lanterns 
were in line. Every one considered it a novelty for Mexico, and 
it was a great hit; after the marchers had been reviewed by 
President Diaz at the Palace, a band struck up the national 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 67 

hymn and a chorus of one hundred voices sung to its accompani- 
ment. The crowd of thirty thousand took up the song. It is 
claimed that this great choral was unpremeditated ; it was most 
impressive. But neither torch-light procession or vast volume 
of song are new to that historical spot; there is no new thing 
under the sun, and history repeats itself. In old pre-Conquest 
days, at the end of every particular cycle, the Aztecs poured 
out from their City of Mexico, Tenochtitlan, to the ''Hill of the 
Star" at Ixtapalapa, where a propitiatory sacrifice was made 
and the gods answered by sending ''new fire." The host of 
people had carried unlighted torches with them from the city 
and, kindling these by the new fire, returned with their blaz- 
ing torchfes to their homes. That must have been a sight ! paper 
lanterns are a poor substitute for blazing resin. So too, in the 
Aztec times, on market days, when the plaza was crowded, some 
one would strike up a well-known song, others and then others 
joined in, until at last thousands were swept away by the intoxi- 
cation of song. 

A CITY OF MONUMENTS 

Mexico has long been a city of monuments; some of these 
are famous works of art. During the Centennial it was adorned 
with many new ones, gifts from foreign friends, and two by na- 
tional appropriation. The Paseo de la Reforma, the famous 
pleasure-drive, was planned by Maximilian. It extends for 
about two miles in a straight line and ends at the famous hill, 
Chapultepec, upon which are the president's palace and the gov- 
ernment Military Academy. At the beginning of this handsome 
driveway is the equestrian statue of Carlos IV, commonly called 
the caballito (little horse) or the cahallo de Troja (horse 
of Troy). By whatever name called, it is a notable bronze, cast 
at a single throw. The Paseo is broken at six points, equally 
spaced, by fine glorietas, each of which is to be occupied by a 
monument. Two have already long been occupied — the first 
by a good Columbus, the other by a universally admired 
Cuauhtemoc (last of the Aztec rulers). The fourth glorieta is 



68 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 




ZAPOTEC INDIANS AT HOME. THESE WOMEN ARE FAMOUS FOE 
BEAUTY OF FOEM AND FACE. 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 69 

now occupied by the monument of the Independence, dedicated 
on September sixteenth in the presence of the Government and, 
all the foreign ambassadors. The shaft, rising to a height of 
forty-five meters, twenty-three meters and more above the great 
pedestal, surmounted by a golden figure, is a conspicuous object 
to a great distance. Bronze statues occupy the four corners of 
the pedestal, and many figures of the heroes in the national 
history are grouped together here. This great work is a na- 
tional monument, erected at the general cost. So too is the 
monument to the great Juarez, dedicated on the eighteenth. It 
is a notable work. Fronting the Avenida Juarez, it has the 
dense foliage of the Alameda for a background. 

The figure of Juarez, being crowned by allegorical figures, 
caps the center of the colonnade; the whole is constructed of 
white marble and 1,347 blocks, each weighing nine tons, were 
used in its construction; the total cost of this memorial was 
close to 300,000 pesos. 

NEW NATIONAL UNIVERSITY 

The new National University opened its doors during the 
centennial celebration. In 1553, almost seventy years before the 
Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth Eock, the old university 
of Mexico was founded. Students flocked to it. The occasion 
of its opening has been described in history. It was a notable 
school, patterned upon the ancient University of Salamanca, 
then the equal of any. It did a great work ; it had a checkered 
career, and at last passed out of existence. The opening of the 
new university was a notable occasion. For sponsors and pat- 
tern it took three great schools — Paris, Salamanca, and Califor- 
nia. President Diaz, the Cabinet, and visiting diplomats were 
present. Official delegates represented the Universities of Paris, 
Berlin, Stockholm, Oviedo, and Oxford. In the list of Ameri- 
can institutions sending accredited delegates were. Harvard, 
Yale, Princeton, Syracuse, Cornell, Pennsylvania, Columbia, 
Northwestern, Illinois, Washington (St. Louis), Texas, and Cali- 
fornia. Minister Sierra made a notable address, and speeches 



70 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 

were made by many of the delegates, that of President Benja- 
min Ide Wheeler being particularly happy. At the ensuing 
banquet American college yells were given for Mexico and 
Sierra. The new university will include a full complement of 
colleges and professional schools, 

A TEIO OF SENTIMENTAL FUNCTIONS 

Three curious diplomatic functions took place toward the 
close of the centennial celebration. General Polavieja, the 
special ambassador from Spain, brought President Diaz, as a 
gift from King Alfonso, the famous and much prized Order of 
Carlos III. The President's uniform already blazed with 
decorations, and one more or less might seem to be a matter of 
small importance. But this one came from the mother-country, 
and the founding of the order goes back to vice-royal days, 
1771; so sentiment and history were mingled in the courtesy 
and honor of the gift. The ceremony was an impressive one and 
took place below the historic portrait of Carlos III presented 
by the King himself to the old San Carlos Academy of Fine Arts, 
of which he was the founder. More curious, but also full of 
sentiment, was the occasion when the French Ambassador, 
Lef aivre, gave President Diaz the keys of the City of Mexico ! 
Half a century ago, when in occupation of the city, it seems the 
French forces really took the ceremonial golden keys; these 
were carried to France where they have been preserved. Their 
return was made a military function, all the actual participants 
being in uniform. After receiving the keys, the President 
handed them to the Governor of the Federal District, who, in 
turn, gave them to the head of the city council. The most curious 
of this trio of sentimental courtesies was the return of the uni- 
form of the revolutionary hero, Jose Maria Morelos. General 
Polavieja was the representative of Spain on the occasion. He 
was escorted to the Palace, where the ceremony was held, by a 
group of cadets and aspirantes. In the procession the uniform 
was carried upon a gun-carriage, in a box made expressly for 
the occasion; General Polavieja followed; then came the spe- 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 71 

cial ambassadors. Morelos was one of the most interesting 
characters in Mexican history ; like Hidalgo, he was a priest ; he 
was perhaps the most vigorous and aggressive of all the revolu- 
tionary heroes. Captured by the Spaniards, he was first tried 
by the Inquisition and degraded from the priesthood; then, 
turned over to the Spanish authorities^ he was sentenced to 
death and shot in December, 1815, at San Cristobal Ecatepec. 
His uniform was kept by the Spaniards, after the executioil, 
and was treasured in a Spanish artillery museum until this 
favorable opportunity presented itself for disposing of it to the 
advantage of sentiment and the knitting of friendly ties. 

THE PEESIDENT IN THE CENTENNIAL 

Nothing more impressed visitors from other lands than the 
vigor and endurance of President Diaz — now eighty years of age 
— ^in the whirl of celebrations. He was frightfully imposed upon 
and was made to be present at and to participate in many events 
from which he might have been spared. He attended scores cf 
functions, made responses many and happy, participated in pro- 
cessions, endured daily banquets and balls. Many a younger 
man would have been worn out, but he stood it finely. His name 
is Porfirio (porphyry) and curiously, his mother was Petrona 
(rock). Rock, son of rock, he showed himself. 

THE COST OF CELEBRATION 

It is said that the governmental expense for the centennial 
celebration was fifteen or sixteen million pesos. It is a goodly 
sum — one peso for each man, woman and child in the Republic ; 
and common men, women and children there are very poor. 
Had they their money's worth for their outlay? If the celebra- 
tion embodied appreciation of the principle for which the heroes 
fought, if it emphasized the blessings of freedom, if it increased 
respect for the National Constitution and kindled sound patrio- 
tisin, it was cheap at that price. 



72 



THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 

TAPPING BUBBEE. ISTHMUS OF TEHUANTEPEC. WHILE RUBBER 
HAS BEEN CHIEFLY PRODUCED FROM WILD TREES, CULTIVATED 
TREES ARE BEGINNING TO YIELD. 




MADKRO AND HIS REVOLUTIONARY HELPERS. NO. 3 IS 
FRANCISCO I. MADERO. 



AQUILES SERDAN 



A BAD GOVEENOR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE ^BUTCHER CABRERA 

ARNULFO ARROYO INCIDENT A STORY OF CABRERA THE FIRST 

OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION THE SEARCH ; DEATH OF CABRERA 

THE BATTLE OF SANTA CLARA STREET CARMEN SERDAN THE 

CAPTURE OF THE SERDAN HOUSE THE HIDDEN LEADER JOY IN 

PUEBLA ^A PENDENT TO THE CENTENNIAL. 

OF all bad Governors in Mexico, Mucio P. Martinez perhaps 
was tlie worst. For years the people had appealed to 
Porfirio Diaz for relief. But Martinez was the friend of 
Porfirio Diaz ; more, Puebla, though glorious in his career, was 
always a dangerous ground for Porfirio Diaz, and he felt that 
there he must maintain a man of iron. 

73 



\ 



74 AQUILES SBRDAN 

A BAD GOVEKNOR 

In Mucio P. Martinez the great dictator had such a man. 
Nothing better shows the long-suffering disposition of the com- 
mon Mexican that the fact that Mucio P. Martinez was not assas- 
sinated. He was a gentleman — a man of manners, taste, and with 
many good ideas along the line of material progress. But he was 
a man absolutely without heart and sympathy. He was a grafter, 
gained enormous wealth during his term of office, and invested 
his ill-gotten gains with such wisdom that they returned him a 
large income. He was a master in devising methods of bleeding 
his people. There was a time when he coined blood-money by 
levying a personal tax upon every pound of meat eaten by the 
people of his state. He was hated, of course. Nor was hatred 
confined to the Grovemor himself; it was extended to his son, 
whose lawless brutality was indulged unchecked because no one 
dared to interfere with the son of the chief officer of the state. 
The common people told hideous stories of his wild doings. 

AN" OPPEESSED PEOPLE 

The City of Puebla, the third in the Eepublic, has a popula- 
tion perhaps of 95,000 people. At one time there was talk of its 
being the seat of the centennial celebration. The scheme was one 
of exploitation ; it meant corruption, blood-money, graft ; fortu- 
nately it failed of accomplishment — going too far. But in connec- 
tion with the centennial important public works were undertaken. 
A hospital costing, it is said, a million pesos, was built and 
dedicated, and an insane asylum one-third as costly. Surely these 
things were creditable? There are two ways of looking at such 
things. If these two public buildings had been constructed 
honestly at that expense, they would have been curses rather than 
blessings in a city of 95,000 people. A city of that size has no use 
for a hospital costing one million pesos. A state with the popula- 
tion and resources of the State of Puebla ought not to have an 
asylum for the insane costing three hundred thousand pesos; the 
construction of such asylums levies a burden which tends to fill 



AQUILES SERDAN 75 

them — but they are not needed under normal circumstances. 
But, of course, these buildings were not honestly constructed ; it 
is doubtful whether the half of their cost was legitimately 
applied. There was large money for some one out of these 
improvements. And the city of Puebla, instead of feeling 
thankful for its splendid public institutions of philanthropy, 
groaned the more under the burden of taxation. 

BUTCHEE CABKEKA 

Besides the Governor, his son, graft, and taxation, Puebla 
had Miguel Cabrera; and Miguel Cabrera was hated also. He 
was chief of police of Puebla. He had been one of the jailer's 
force in the City of Mexico. He became famous in connection 
with the Arnulf o Arroyo incident. In 1897, when the celebration 
of September 16th was taking place, President Diaz was passing 
between the double file of cadets from the military school, drawn 
up in line upon Avenida Juarez. 

ARNULFO ARROYO INCIDENT 

A man from the crowd, named Arnulfo Arroyo, a habitual 
drunkard and at that time under the influence of drink, stepped 
out into the open space and struck the President a blow on the 
head with his clenched fist. He was probably unarmed, and his 
attack produced no damage to the president's person. He was 
seized of course and carried off to jail ; in the afternoon the judge 
ordered his appearance in court for examination. The jailer 
refused to send him, claiming that a riot would be sure to take 
place and an assault made upon the prisoner. When night came, 
however, the police inspector, named Velasquez, ordered four 
men, among whom was Cabrera, to assassinate the prisoner. At 
11 o'clock at night they entered the cell and carried out their 
orders. During that night a number of persons passing through 
the streets near the police inspector's office were arrested. In 
the morning the announcement was made that a group of people 
from the city had assaulted the police office and lynched the 
prisoner, and it was claimed that the score or so of innocent 



76 AQUILES SERDAN 

passers-by who had been arrested were guilty of the crime. The 
government did not beheve the story, ordered the persons who 
had been detained set at liberty, and instituted a case against the 
police mentioned. The inspector, as soon as the case was insti- 
tuted, committed suicide, shooting himself; the four policemen 
w^ere tried and condemned to death. In their defense they urged 
the excuse that they had killed the unfortunate Arroyo to show 
their indignation at his attempt and their affection for the presi- 
dent. Notwithstanding that they had been sentenced to pay the 
death penalty, they were never punished ; Cabrera, who seems to 
have been conspicuous in the deed of murder, was soon trans- 
ferred to Puebla, where he was made chief of police. There he 
soon made himself profoundly hated. The city reeked with 
hideous stories of his brutality and criminal acts. He was com- 
monly known as ''Butcher Cabrera." 

A STORY OF CABRERA 

Among the stories is one connected with this title. It is said 
that, on one occasion, Miguel Cabrera, riding through the streets, 
encountered a group of children at play ; among them was a child 
less than ten years of age who, as the great man passed, said to 
the others, ''There goes Butcher Cabrera." It is probable that 
he had never heard the man called by any other name ; it is likely 
enough he thought it was his real name. However that may be, 
Cabrera ordered the whole group of children taken to the jail; 
the rest were released the following morning, but the child who 
had mentioned him was never seen again; his mother sought 
him day by day, but found him not. The people believed that 
again Cabrera visited a cell at midnight; that again he com- 
mitted murder upon a defenseless prisoner, but this time a child 
of less than ten, whose only crime was speaking of "Butcher 
Cabrera." It makes little difference whether such stories are 
true or not, so long as people generally believe them, and the 
people of Puebla did believe a thousand things like that of their 
police officer. 



AQUILES SERDAN 



77 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 



HELLING CHILIS, COEDOBA. THE CHILI, OR RED PEPPER, IS A 
NATIVE OF MEXICO AND IS USED IN EVERY PART OF THE 
REPUBLIC. 



78 AQUILES SERDAN 

THE FIRST OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION 

It is not strange that Puebla was ready for revolution. It is 
no accident that the first actual battle took place there. Madero 
had been in Puebla. He had spoken to the people from the balcony 
of the hotel in which he lodged. Among the people of that city, 
who had been interested in the cause of anti-reelection, a man 
named Aquiles Serdan was leader. He had been active in the 
propaganda. He had organized, advised, raised funds, written, 
spoken, in favor of the movement. He was recognized by Madero 
as the chief agent of the cause in Puebla ; and it is probable that 
it was understood that, when the final outbreak came, if success 
crowned their efforts, Serdan should be made governor of the 
state. He was suspected, watched. It was well understood in the 
city of Puebla that plotting was in progress. Twice the house in 
which Aquiles Serdan lived had been searched, but nothing of 
serious importance had been found. On November 14th, a house 
belonging to a family named Rousset was searched, and three 
members of the family were arrested and held. 

THE SEARCH ; DEATH OF CABRERA 

The plan arranged by Madero involved a general outbreak- on 
November 20th throughout the Republic; two days before that 
date, on November 18th, Miguel Cabrera, accompanied by a num- 
ber of police, appeared at eight o'clock in the morning at Serdan 's 
house to make a search again. Some of his force of policemen 
were left outside; with others, when the door was opened, he 
passed through the zaguan, and the door was closed behind him. 
As he directed his way to the patio, a voice cried, ' ' Stop ! with- 
draw! we are armed and shall defend ourselves by shooting." 
It is said that Cabrera ordered his men to fire ; they did so rather 
at random. The shots of the policemen were returned, and 
Cabrera and one of his companions named Murrieta fell dead ; 
Fregoso, who accompanied them, was said to have been wounded 
and retired to an interior room. Stories regarding him vary, and 
there is doubt whether he was not intentionally spared by the 



AQUILES SERDAN 79 

people in tlie Serdan house. The other policemen who were with 
Cabrera quickly withdrew into the streets; immediate aid was 
summoned. The bodies of Cabrera and Murrieta were thrown 
out of the house onto the street and the door was closed. For a 
little time there was silence in Santa Clara street. 

THE BATTLE ON SANTA CLARA STREET 

Soon, however, forces gathered. General Valle, chief of 
arms in Puebla, and Col. Gaudencio de la Llave responded with 
considerable forces. The street of Santa Clara was full of troops. 
Some of the soldiers mounted the church towers and roofs from 
which they looked down upon the house in which the revolu- 
tionists were sheltered. A lively firing was carried on against 
the balconies and azoteas of Serdan 's house. The firing was 
returned with vigor. Every now and then dynamite bombs were 
hurled from the house to the street below; they exploded with 
great violence, making much noise, but doing little damage. It is 
believed that they were intended as signals for summoning 
revolutionists from every part of the city of Puebla. If so, they 
were without result, for no aid came to the besieged force. The 
battle continued for three hours. More than sixty dead and 
wounded were lying in the street before it ended. At one time, in 
the early part of the battle, the sister of Aquiles appeared upon 
the balcony and appealed for aid to the crowd in the street below. 
A newspaper representative, who claims to have been a personal 
witness of the event, described her appearance as follows : 

CARMEN SERDAN 

**In these moments I could see a woman appear upon the 
principal balcony of the house, and, addressing the spectators 
who were near Santa Teresa, harangued them, brandishing a rifle 
in her right hand. I confess that such an act of bravery on the 
part of a woman who, I later found, was Carmen Serdan, filled 
me with enthusiasm, with admiration, and with sadness, thinking 
how without result her heroism would prove. The crowd of 
people remained mute, quiet, unmoved. There was no impulse to 



80 



AQUILES SERDAN 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 

IXTAGCIHUATL. (THE WHITE WOMAN). SNOW CAPPED EIDGE OF THE 
VALLEY OF MEXICO. SEEN FROM THE PQEBLA SIDE. 



AQUILES SERDAN 



81 




Oopyrlghted by Underwood and Underwood 

WASHING-PLACE, LAVENDERIA; JALAPA. 



82 AQUILES SERDAN 

run to tke aid of that woman who offered arms and ammunition 
and who begged for aid. Was it for lack of sympathy with the 
Maderist cause 1 Was it for cowardice f Who can say ? I only 
know that the multitude, so easy to move in other circumstances, 
remained unaffected. Carmen Serdan should have been ashamed 
to ask aid from those who could not, or who would not, lend it. 
There she stood still in the balcony, her magnificent figure clearly 
standing forth, with disordered hair, pale face, flashing eyes, 
nervous action, when several shots were heard fired by the 
gendarmes — into the air. She did not seem to hear the shots. 
nor did life count for her in those moments. She continued crying^ 
gesticulating, until a hand was seen, and a strong arm caught her 
by the clothing, and drew her back into the house, the door of the 
balcony closing again. ' ' 

THE CAPTUEE OF THE SERDAN HOUSE 

When finally the soldiers of Colonel de la Llave entered the 
house and brought the combat to an end, they found only three 
living persons — all women. Stories differ as to how many insur- 
gents had been involved in the battle. One writer claims that there 
were none excepting Maximo Serdan, Aquiles, the mother Josef a 
Alatriste, the sister Carmen Serdan, and Serdan 's wife, Filo- 
mena del Valle. Some claim that there were a hundred insurgents 
in the house during the battle, but that they all escaped. Carmen 
Serdan herself states that there were in their party seventeen 
persons in all, including the three women. Her brother Maximo 
was killed; some of the little force escaped; there were dead 
bodies in the house at the time of its surrender. During the 
battle the women were busily engaged loading guns, bringing 
ammunition, and helping the men in every possible fashion. 

THE HIDDEN" LEADER 

But where was Aquiles Serdan f The three women were taken 
to the police office ; a guard was left in charge of the surrendered 
house. Search was made of the premises, but no sign of the 
leader of the insurrection was to be found. The populace was 



AQUILES SERDAN 83 

certain that there must be secret tunnels through which large 
numbers had escaped. Search was made for such, and a tunnel 
was actually found, but no sign of persons in it, nor evidence 
that it had been used. It was flooded with water in the hppe of 
drowning out any who might be concealed. Wild stories were 
afloat of subterranean mines, and it was believed that any 
moment great explosions fired by revolutionists might destroy 
the city. But nothing of the kind took place. Everything was 
quiet. As a matter of fact, Aquiles Serdan was in hiding. When 
only the three women and himself were left of the defenders, he 
was concealed by them before the house was carried by assault. 
Some of the floor tilings had been lifted, and underneath them, 
prepared no doubt beforehand with a view to concealment in 
some hour of need, was a small excavated space, just large 
enough to contain Aquiles Serdan in a cramped position. He had 
crept into this place of shelter. The women had replaced the 
flooring. Rugs had been thrown carelessly over the spot. Not- 
withstanding a careful search of the premises, the police did not 
find him. For hours he lay concealed. He must have suffered 
frightful torture from his cramped position and lack of air. The 
police guard, however, was in the very room under the floor of 
which he lay as if within a coffin. For fourteen hours he occupied 
his cell. Finally he could stand it no longer ; hearing no conversa- 
tion and believing that the guard were asleep, he cautiously and 
quietly lifted the flooring and tried to emerge from his retreat. 
The noise he made, however, called attention, and he was seen ; 
one of the police discharged his pistol. Aquiles cried, ''Do not 
kill me. I am Serdan." Instantly three revolvers were again 
discharged, and he was dead. 

JOY IN PUEBLA 

And the people of Puebla went mad with joy because Miguel 
Cabrera had gone to his reward. Printed sheets were sold upon 
the streets before the day was over, bordered with black, bearing 
a cross with flowers, and the words : ''To-day at half -past eight 
in the morning, there died in the bosom of all the devils, the 



84 



AQUILES SERDAN 



cowardly assassin, the vile inquisitor, chief of informers, Miguel 
Cabrera. His victims, trade and the people in general, on the 
reception of such pleasant news, invite you to celebrate the loss 
of such a heavy burden and the birth in the deepest hells of the 
soul of such a bad man. Puebla, November 18, 1910. Deep curses 
the soul of this condemned man encounters in the depth of hell. ' ' 



A PENDENT TO THE CENTENNIAL 

The Serdan incident is a suggestive pendent to the celebra- 
tion of the centennial. It Avas only an incident — of no great sig- 
nificance. Serdan was not a great man ; it is even probable that 
he was abnormal ; but he was the first actual martyr to the new 
cause. Naturally the Maderists made him a hero. After Madero 
came to power, it was ordered that a monument should be erected 
by the public to his memory. It was no doubt premature, beyond 
his merits ; but the battle of the street of Santa Clara made a deep 
impression upon the mind of a considerable portion of the public. 
It will not be forgotten. 




HUTCHOL INDIANS. SAID TO HAVE COME TO MEXICO TO 
SERVE AS MADERO GUARDS. 




'■agat'." • . '. tJ^sii " 



AEMOEED CAES, BUILT TOE DIAZ; IN USE BY MADEEO'S FOECES. 



THE IRON HAND 



THE EARLY LIFE OF DIAZ HIS MILITAEY CAREEE BATTLING AGAINST 

THE ARMY OF INTERVENTION DURING THE EMPIRE-^ESCAPE FROM 

PRISON ^LEADER OF OPPOSITION TROUBLE WITH LEEDO DE TEJADA 

PRESIDENT FOR THE FIRST TIME ADMINISTRATION OF MANUEL 

GONZALES DIAZ RETURNED TO POWER MEXICO, A COUNTRY OF 

AMBASSADORIAL RANK ENCOURAGEMENT OF PROGRESS THE PIUS 

CLAIMS RESUMPTION OF RELATIONS WITH AXJSTRO-HUNGARY 

EXPRESSION REGARDING THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 

IN 1907, when in the City of Mexico, Mr. Root, our Secretary 
of State, said the following : 

' ' It has seemed to me that of all the men now living. Presi- 
dent Porfirio Diaz of Mexico was best worth seeing. Whether one 
considers the adventurous, daring, chivalric incidents of his early 
career; whether one considers the vast work of government 

85 



86 THE IRON HAND 

which his wisdom and courage and commanding character ac- 
complish; whether one considers his singularly attractive per- 
sonality, no one lives today whom I had rather see than President 
Diaz. If I were a poet, I would write poetic eulogies ; if I were 
a musician, I would compose triumphal marches; if I were a 
Mexican, I should feel that the steadfast loyalty of a lifetime 
could not do too much in return for the blessings that he has 
brought to my country. As I am neither poet, musician, nor 
Mexican, but only an American, who loves justice and liberty, 
and hopes to see their reign among mankind progress and 
strengthen and become perpetual, I look to Porfirio Diaz, the 
President of Mexico, as one of the greatest men to be held up 
for the hero-worship of mankind." 

One of three things, either Porfirio Diaz was really a great 
man, or Mr. Root was no judge of men, or his standard of judg- 
ment for a hero in the direction of justice and liberty was errone- 
ous. It is worth while for a little to consider the life and the 
achievements of the man who in 1910 stood at the head of the 
Mexican Nation. 

THE EAELY LIFE OF DIAZ 

Porfirio Diaz was born in Oaxaca Sept. 15, 1830. It will be no- 
ticed that the date coincides with the anniversary of the grito of 
independence raised by Hidalgo twenty-four years before. This 
was a matter of convenience when, with the achievement of great- 
ness, the celebration of his birthday, became a matter of public 
interest. His father was a Spaniard, his mother was one-fourth 
Mixtec Indian. It was common for those who did not admire 
Porfirio Diaz in his days of power to refer to his ' ' Indian admin- 
istration. ' ' Most of the strong qualities which the man possessed 
are really Indian qualities, even though he must be considered 
as having only one-eighth of Indian blood in his veins. When 
fifteen years of age, the boy entered the Seminary in Oaxaca, and 
it looked as if he might become a priest ; at the end of four years, 
however, in the Seminary, he entered the famous Institute of 
Arts and Sciences and turned his attention to law. In conneo- 



THE IRON HAND 87 

tion with Ms law studies, he was under the direction and instruc- 
tion of Benito Juarez. He left school before he received his 
license to practice law. From 1853 he was associated with the 
liberal party and soon came to be a power in it within his state. 
He gained the hostility of Santa Anna, and was obliged for 
several months during the year 1855 to remain in concealment 
from his enemies. At the close of that year, he became sub- 
prefect of Ixtlan. 

HIS MILITAKY CAKEEE 

At Ixtlan he was actively interested in the liberal cause and 
raised troops to fight against the conservatives. He was 
wounded in a battle on Aug. 13, 1857, but gained a victory. In 
1858 the conservatives were completely crushed in the capital 
city of his state. Shortly afterwards Diaz led the forces which 
succeeded in capturing Tehuantepec, and was appointed gov- 
ernor and military commander of that department. In 1859 he 
gained a victory at Mixtequilla, which brought him the appoint- 
ment of colonel in the National Guards. On Nov. 25 of the same 
year he again captured Tehuantepec after a brilliant victory, 
which secured for him a colonelcy in the regular army. On Aug. 
8, 1860, the liberals again captured the city of Oaxaca, and almost 
immediately, Diaz and his victorious forces, moved northward 
and were with the liberal troops when they entered the capital 
city in triumph. 

In 1861 he was elected a member of the National Congress 
from Ixtlan. He was more interested, however, in military than 
in legislative matters, and soon joined General Ortega in pur- 
suit of the retreating conservative forces. He assailed and de- 
feated the notorious and cruel Gen. Leonardo Marquez near 
Jalatlaco, gaining a great victory, and at the same time the ap- 
pointment of brigadier-general. Oct. 20 General Diaz took part 
in the battle of Pachuca, which practically ended the three-year 
War of the Eeform. 



THE lEON HAND 




Piotograpli Ijy Underwood and Underwoodi 

POEFIEIO DIAZ. 
Picture taken after his retirement from office. 



THE IRON HAND 




LITIZ TEREAZAS: LONG-TIME GOYEENOR OE CHIHUAHUA A ™END OE DIAZ 
AND ONE WHO PROFITED BY THE OLD BBGIME. 



90 THE IRON HAND 

BATTLING AGAINST THE ARMY OF INTERVENTION 

It was the moment of the French invasion. General Diaz 
was put in command of the second brigade of the army and in 
1862 sent against the invaders. At Escamula, State of Vera 
Cruz, there was a battle between the two armies. Diaz held his 
own, but fell back to Puebla. There he joined his forces to those 
of Ignacio Zaragoza, who was the commander in charge. A 
great and glorious victory was gained on May 5. The battle was 
so notable for the bravery shown and the result accomplished 
that the date. May 5, has been a national holiday up to the present 
time. The French, however, received reinforcements and a sec- 
ond battle at Puebla was fought with different results. The 
French were successful and many of the Mexican officers were 
taken prisoners. Among them was Porfirio Diaz. The French 
demanded that the prisoners should sign a promise not to at- 
tempt escape. Many of them did so, but Diaz refused. A special 
guard was therefore placed upon him, but he succeeded in elud- 
ing their vigilance and made good his flight. He reached the 
City of Mexico, where he was made general of division. 

DURING THE EMPIRE 

"WHien finally Maximilian made his appearance and the Em- 
pire was established, the liberal forces were scattered. "With 
some Juarez retreated northward; with others, Diaz protected 
the south, and throughout the period of the imperial govern- 
ment was more or less active in his field. Maximilian, with his 
set policy of trying to win over the leading men of the opposi- 
tion, repeatedly made overtures to Diaz to take position in th4> 
imperial army. These were constantly refused, and through the 
independent struggle Porfirio Diaz showed himself a genuine 
patriot. At Taxco, a valiant assault was made and the town was 
captured. This victory won for the loyal leader the appoint- 
ment of major-general. 

Marshal Bazaine himself moved southward from the capital 
city with a considerable force and besieged Diaz in Oaxaca, where 
at the time he was governor of the state. After a long siege the 



THE IRON HAND 91 

city was captured and Diaz made a prisoner. He was transferred 
to Puebla, where he was confined. While here, a prisoner, new 
overtures were made to him, promising pardon and position. 
They were promptly and firmly refused. 

ESCAPE FEOM PEISON 

In the hope of escaping from his prison Diaz had been en- 
gaged in excavating a tunnel, leading from his cell toward free- 
dom. It was almost finished, and the hope of escape was bright, 
when he was transferred to another building and all his work 
was lost. His new prison was an ancient convent building. Here, 
too, he planned escape. He was in communication with friends 
outside and from them he secured four ropes and a knife. One 
night he tied three of the ropes together, rolled them into a coil, 
and tossed them to a roof above him. With the single rope he 
succeeded in forming attachment to a projecting point above 
his room and climbing up it, gained the roof to which he had 
thrown his long ropes. He then cautiously walked from roof 
to roof, by moonlight, until he reached a place where it was pos- 
sible to tie his three-spliced ropes, by which he descended to 
the ground below. He quickly found the spot where a horse, 
servant and guide were waiting for him, and made good his 
escape. The news that he was again at freedom quickly gath- 
ered volunteers about him, until by June, 1866, he had a con- 
siderable following. It was badly equipped and poorly trained. 
But with it he soon gained important victories at Nochixtlan, 
Miahuatlan and La Carbonera. These were won against well- 
trained and well-equipped European soldiery. He next besieged 
the capital city of Oaxaca, which finally surrendered to him on 
Oct. 31. The victory was notable, as by it he took 1,100 prisoners, 
much ammunition and thirty cannons. During December he was 
again in the district of Tehuantepec, where he was successful 
in several engagements. The south having been conquered, he 
took his way northward, and on April 2, 1867, gained another 
victory at Puebla. Eight days later, at San Lorenzo he was suc- 
cessful in a battle against Leonardo Marquez. Marquez re- 



92 



THE IRON HAND 




THE IRON HAND 93 

treated to Mexico, where lie was besieged by the soldiers under 
the direction of Diaz. On June 9 he attempted to make a sally 
from the city, but met with no success. On June 21 he surren- 
dered, the city having been besieged since the 12th of April. 
Diaz and his forces now took charge of the capital city of the 
republic, where he remained until President Juarez and his 
government returned from the north on July 15. He then re- 
fused appointment in the new government and retired to his 
country place, La Noria. He was unquestionably extremely pop- 
ular as the hero of the independent army. He had been at this 
time actually engaged in forty-one battles, and had gained many 
notable victories. 

LEADEB OF OPPOSITION 

He had been conspicuous in his aid to the Juarez government 
and the liberal cause. He was soon, however, dissatisfied with 
Juarez, and when a constitutional election was ordered, entered 
the field against him as candidate for position of the President 
of the Republic. There were three candidates — Benito Juarez, 
Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada and Porfirio Diaz. Juarez was suc- 
cessful. When Juarez ran for President again, four years later, 
Diaz and Lerdo were again competitors with him. Again Juarez 
was returned, and now his former supporter and chief military 
helper was busied in taking the field in arms against him. The 
death of Juarez interfered with vigorous action on the part of 
Diaz. When a new election was arranged, Lerdo was again a 
candidate and Diaz ran against him. A third time he met defeat. 

TEOUBLE WITH LERDO DE TEJADA 

During the life of Juarez, Diaz had launched the Plan of La 
Noria, now he was interested in the Plan of Tuxtepec. This 
time he took the field against Lerdo. The President at all times 
distrusted him. Once in power, he had taken steps for his re- 
moval and Diaz had been in exile or concealment. One of the 
stories which Mexicans delight to tell of the hero was during 
this time. Diaz had been a refugee in the United States. He 



94 THE IRON HAND 

had determined to return to Mexico and took steamer at New 
Orleans for Vera Cruz. As they neared Tampico, he was recog- 
nized by officers of the Mexican army, who were on board with a 
considerable number of government soldiers; they kept close 
watch upon him with the intention of seizing him and delivering 
him a prisoner when they should be in port. He knew that he 
had been detected and that the situation was critical; taking a 
knife to use as protection in case of need against sharks which 
were supposed to swarm in Tampico bay, he leaped overboard in 
the hope of saving himself by swimming. It was a bold act from 
every point of view. He was, however, seen and captured 
and when brought on board the steamer the officers desired to 
court martial him. To this the captain of the steamer objected, 
but promised that he might be kept a prisoner until Vera Cruz, 
where he should be delivered up. He was watched in his cabin 
with care ; he nevertheless succeeded in eluding the vigilance of 
the guard and threw a life-preserver overboard in order to mis- 
lead his enemies. Meantime he took refuge in the purser 's cabin, 
where he found concealment in a sort of cupboard, or wardrobe. 
Here he remained concealed for several days, in great discom- 
fort, living on water and crackers which were secretly conveyed 
to him. He was in imminent risk of discovery during the time, 
although it was actually believed, the life-preserver having been 
discovered, that he had met his death by drowning. When finally 
the Plan of Tuxtepec was promulgated, Diaz returned to Mexico 
and took part in the revolution against President Lerdo de 
Tejada. Political matters were in great confusion. Senor Lerdo 
attempted to maintain himself in office ; Jose Maria Iglesias, as 
president of the supreme court, declared himself legitimately 
in power, in case Lerdo 's right were in dispute ; he not only made 
this claim, but organized an actual government, with himself as 
head, in Guanajuato. There were thus three claimants for power, 
Lerdo, Iglesias and Diaz. Lerdo sent General Alatorre against 
the revolutionists. He was defeated at Tecoac by the forces 
under Porfirio Diaz and Manuel Gonzales. Lerdo fled to the 
United States, where he remained an exile till his death. It is 



THE IRON HAND 95 

said that he carried a considerable amount of public money 
with him. Iglesias and his paper government came to naught. 

PKESIDENT FOR THE FIRST TIME 

An election was arranged for Dec. 16 and by it Porfirio Diaz 
was elected President of the Republic. On April 1, 1877, Con- 
gress officially declared his election and dated his term of office 
back to Nov. 30. It is interesting to recall that for a time the 
United States Grovernment refused to recognize Diaz on the 
ground that he had secured the office by non-constitutional meth- 
ods. He, however, remained in power and served through his 
term of four years. He proved a vigorous ruler, with many 
excellent ideas. He had to meet various uprisings. The most 
important of these was a mutiny of the garrison and the sailors 
on the war vessels at Vera Cruz and a revolution headed by 
General Escobedo, who came from Texas for the purpose. These 
and various other uprisings, however, were crushed with no great 
difficulty. When finally, in 1880, his term of office ended, he re- 
fused a reelection, as there was a constitutional prohibition 
against the President of Mexico serving two consecutive terms. 
Accordingly Gren. Manuel Gonzales was elected to the office and 
held from 1880 to 1884. When President Diaz yielded the chair 
peacefully to his successor, it was only the second time in the 
history of the Mexican Republic that such a thing had happened. 
During his first term of office, the wife of President Diaz died. 

ADMINISTRATION OF MANUEL GONZALES 

There is no question that Manuel Gonzales was the choice 
of President Diaz and that he was largely under the influence 
of his predecessor throughout his term of office. He appointed 
General Diaz a member of his cabinet, giving him the department 
of Fomento. As secretary of this department, Diaz inaugurated 
various works of public improvement, the most important of 
which certainly was the improvements at Tampico. Diaz soon 
found, however, that he was looked upon with suspicion and 
jealousy by his fellow members of the cabinet and resigned 



96 THE IRON HAND 

his office. He was elected senator, but this was hardly to his 
taste. Chosen Governor of Oaxaca, he found this position more 
agreeable and held it for some time. Under his administration, 
the state made notable progress. Its financial condition was 
greatly improved ; the construction of the Tehauntepec Eailway 
was undertaken ; the schools and system of public education were 
greatly developed. Finally, however, he solicited a leave of 
absence and returned to Mexico. Here he married Carmen 
Romero Rubio, daughter of the well-known Manuel Romero 
Rubio, who had been a member of Lerdo's cabinet, and with 
whom Diaz was well acquainted, although they had represented 
different ideas in policies. The marriage took place in 1882. 
The lady was beautiful, elegant and accomplished. She has 
always been a great favorite with the Mexican people, and not- 
withstanding the disparity in age between them, the marriage 
has usually been considered a happy one. With his wife, Presi- 
dent Diaz made an extended journey in the United States. They 
were everywhere lionized, and in our great cities much attention 
was shown them. 

DIAZ EETUKNED TO POWER 

When in 1884 Manuel Gonzales' term of office ended, Por- 
firio Diaz was elected President for a second term. From this 
time on, President Diaz remained in office. When his second 
term neared its close, the laws had been so changed that it was 
possible for a man to hold two consecutive terms of office. Before 
his third term ran out, the constitution had been so amended 
that there was no bar to constant reelection. From 1884 to 1910, 
with its splendid centennial celebration, Porfirio Diaz was con- 
stantly at the helm of the ship of state. He was often referred 
to as the ruler with the iron hand. He repressed all efforts at 
revolution. He surrounded himself with strong men whose 
interests were best served by giving him most loyal service. He 
made many and notable public improvements to which reference 
will be made in another place. Here we shall only speak of his 
political achievements. 



THE IRON HAND 97 

MEXICO, A NATION OF AMBASSADOBIAL EANK 

In 1899 Porfirio Diaz raised the Republic of Mexico to ambas- 
sadorial rank. When it is remembered that out of Mexico's 
15,000,000 population, 6,000,000 perhaps are of pure Indian 
blood, and that 7,000,000 more are extremely poor persons of 
mixed Indian and Spanish blood, it will be realized that this was 
an achievement in politics of an extraordinary grade. It is, of 
course, open to question whether it is an advantage for a popula- 
tion like Mexico to be weighted down with the costly luxury of 
occupying ambassadorial rank; this, however, does not in the 
shghtest affect the magnitude of the achievement. The last rep- 
resentative of the republic at Washington as Minister was the 
famous Mateo Romero. The first Ambassador sent to us was 
Manuel Aspiroz, who made his fame largely by conducting the 
cause against the Emperor Maximilian. 

ENCOUEAGEMENT OF PKOGRESS 

Porfirio Diaz was always anxious that Mexico should par- 
ticipate in all sorts of international conferences and gatherings. 
Not only were strong delegations sent from Mexico to congresses 
and conferences of scientific, literary, artistic and political char- 
acter in every portion of the world, but many international meet- 
ings were held in Mexico. Mexico and the United States were 
the only American Republics invited to the first peace conference 
at The Hague. The second Pan-American Congress was held 
in the City of Mexico. Three times the Congress of Americanists 
has been entertained by Mexico. Geographical, geological and 
medical gatherings had met there. There is no doubt that Presi- 
dent Diaz desired through such gatherings to impress upon the 
outside world the fact that Mexico was truly a great nation, 
well abreast of other nations in such lines of progress. 

THE PIUS CLAIMS 

One of the first cases submitted to The Hague Tribunal was 
the matter of the Pius Claims, disputed between Mexico and 
the United States. This case was submitted in 1902, and was 



98 THE IRON HAND 

decided adversely for Mexico. It is commonly believed through- 
out Latin American that justice was with Mexico. Our repre- 
sentatives, however, before the tribunal, insisted on confining 
the discussion to certain technical points of law instead of per- 
mitting a full discussion of the rights and equities at issue. It 
is probable that if the whole matter had been fully discussed 
upon its merits, the decision would have been different. At all 
events, so far as the American Republics are concerned. The 
Hague Tribunal fell into disrepute through this decision. 

RESUMPTION OP RELATIONS WITH AUSTRO-HUNGARY 

An interesting diplomatic incident during the administration 
of Porfirio Diaz was the resumption of relations with Austro- 
Hungary. These ceased with execution of Maximilian. It will 
be remembered that the unfortunate Emperor was a younger 
brother of Francis Joseph, ruler of the Austro-Hungarian Em- 
pire. It was quite natural that there should have been deep feel- 
ing in connection with the execution. At the time when relations 
were finally restored, the Government of Mexico erected a small, 
but neat chapel at the site of the execution, on the Cerro de Cam- 
panas, ait Queretaro, in memory of the unfortunate imperial ad- 
venturer. This little act of courtesy undoubtedly went far to 
restore friendly feelings between the two nations. It is open 
to question whether the little chapel should be called, as it fre- 
quently is called in Mexico, a capilla expiatoria (expiatory 
chapel). 

EXPRESSION REGARDING THE MONROE DOCTRINE 

Once during his long period of administration, Porfirio Diaz 
gave utterance to a thoughtful expression regarding the Monroe 
Doctrine. While carefully worded, and diplomatically phrased, 
it is of sufficient interest for quotation. It was contained in one 
of his official messages to Congress. It was uttered at the time 
when America and England had been in some danger of war 
on account of Venezulean matters. Godoy translates this por- 
tion of the message as follows -J 



THE IRON HAND 90 

' ' Without entering into disquisitions as to the origin and the 
historic moment which gave rise to its proclamation; without 
entering into details as to the proper limitations which its own 
authors set to it, and which were referred to so skilfully by Presi- 
dent Cleveland, the Mexican Government can do no less than be 
in favor of a doctrine which condemns as unjust any invasion 
made by monarchical Europe against the American Republics, 
against such independent nations which today are administered 
by that popular form of government. Our general history and 
especially the struggle of our people to shake off the yoke of a 
foreign empire of European origin,, form and elements and the 
torrents of blood, shed in that terrible struggle, testified before 
the world our love of independence and our hatred of all foreign 
intervention. But we do not consider that in order to attain 
the object that we desire, it is sufficient that the United States 
alone, notwithstanding the greatness of its resources, should have 
the obligation to aid the other republics of this hemisphere 
against the attacks of Europe — if such are yet considered pos- 
sible — but that each one of them, by means of a declaration 
similar to that issued by President Monroe, should proclaim that 
any attack from any foreign power, which may be directed to 
injure the territory or the independence or to change the institu- 
tions of any one of the American Republics, should be consid- 
ered by the nation making such declaration as an offense against 
it, if the other nation which sustained the attack or to which a 
threat of that character is directed should ask its aid at the 
opportune moment. 

''In this way the doctrine, now styled Monroe Doctrir e, would 
become the American Doctrine in its most ample sense, and if 
it is true that it has had its origin in the United States, it could 
form a part of the international law of all America. ' ' 

We have aimed to sketch the career and political work of the 
man in charge of Mexico in 1910. Elsewhere we shall take up 
his contribution to the material advancement of his country. 



100 



AZTEC MEXICO 




AZTEC MEXICO 



THE MARKS OF CIVILIZATION THE MIGRATION STORY DAILY LIFE OF 

AZTECS ^AZTEC ARCHITECTURE ARTS OF LIFE EDUCATION AND 

ART THE NATURE OF THE AZTECS A BLOODY WORSHIP THE NEW 

FIRE SECULAR CEREMONY THE BOUNDS OF EMPIRE WHAT 




u 



CORTES FOUND. 

PON what was Mex- 
ico founded? What 
was the material 
from which it was built 1 We 
must look back through the 
centuries. When Cortes, in 
the first third of the six- 
teenth century, marched 
from Vera Cruz up into the 
plateau country, what did he 
find? Prescott and Lew 
Wallace, basing themselves 
upon the ancient Spanish 
narratives, tell us that there 
was a mighty empire, a pow- 
erful emperor, swarms of 
nobles, a splendid city, lux- 
ury. Nothing could surpass, 
in brilliancy, elegance, and 
extravagance, the Montezu- 
ma's dinner described to us 
by Hubert Howe Bancroft. 

STONE riGTOE, "THE SAD INDIAN," f^^'tT,!* Somewhere says 
CITY OF MEXICO. that the Spaniards, m con- 

quering Mexico, destroyed a 
civilization superior to their own. Everyone has read Prescott, 
Lew Wallace, and Bancroft. 

101 



102 AZTEC MEXICO 

THE MARKS OF CIVILIZATIO]Sr 

What is civilization? A people who is civilized possesses a 
system of writing by means of phonetic characters. The Aztecs 
had an ingenious and interesting system of writing by means of 
pictures; they were just beginning to grasp the notion that 
these pictures might be used to represent sounds instead of to 
convey ideas; they were far from having a phonetic system. 
A civilized people knows how to smelt metals from their ores, 
and specifically, iron from its ore ; the Aztecs knew the use of 
copper, gold and silver ; they could smelt the native metals and 
cast them cunningly; they did not know the use of iron. A 
civilized people uses domestic animals as helps in agriculture — 
beasts of burden, draught and tilling; the Aztecs had one 
domestic animal, a little dog, fattened for food. 

The Chinese are civilized, and have been for centuries ; they 
have a system of writing, largely with phonetic characters; 
they smelt metals from their ores, and specifically iron from 
its ore ; they use domestic animals as helps in agriculture ; they 
have been civilized for two thousand years. The Japanese are 
civilized and were so before the Norman Conquest. The Hindus, 
the Persians, and a host of other Asiatic and European peoples, 
are and long have been civilized, but the Aztecs had not a single 
criterion of civilization; they had an interesting culture which 
placed them at the upper level of barbarism, but no. higher. 
Prescott's dictum is false, and could only have been made by 
one who used the term ''civilization'* uncritically. 

THE MIGRATION" STORY 

The Aztecs had of course a migration story ; most people in 
barbarism have their exodus. According to their legend, they 
came from Chicomoztoc, the Seven Caves, located far to the 
northwest. On divine suggestion and under divine guidance, 
they started on their pilgrimage toward the promised land. It 
was a weary journey, occupying many years and involving many 
pauses. The divine sign where they were to rest and build their 



AZTEC MEXICO 103 

city was the finding of a rock upon the border of a lake; from 
the rock was to grow a cactus upon which was perched an eagle 
tearing a snake. When at last the divine sign was encountered 
in the beautiful valley now known as the Valley of Mexico, there 
was no room for the new-comers. The valley was already occu- 
pied by different tribes, related by blood indeed to the Aztecs 
and speaking quite the same language, but far from friendly. 
But the gods had spoken — here the wanderers must rest; as 
there was no room upon the lake-margin, they settled in the 
swamp, building up little patches of ground from the mud of the 
lake-bottom ; for a long time they suffered every hardship and 
disease; suffering reduced their numbers and brought them to 
the verge of desperation; at last the worst was past, and the 
little remnant began to gain courage, command respect, and to 
wedge their way on to the land before refused them. 

DAILY LIFE OF AZTECS 

For food supply the Aztecs depended upon hunting, gather- 
ing and gardening. They ate everything upon which they could 
lay hands. The lake yielded fish and ducks, filth-scum and insect- 
eggs; snakes, lizards, birds, deer and wild pigs were hunted; 
maize, beans, squashes and chilis were cultivated on their garden 
patches; dogs were fattened for eating. On the whole, they 
depended most upon their agriculture; their crops were their 
chief dependence. Field labor was of the simplest kind; brush 
and stubble were burned over and the ashes left upon the ground 
to enrich the soil. Seed grain was dropped into holes drilled 
with pointed sticks, and the earth pushed back over the planted 
seed; then the harvest was awaited. There was no individual 
ownership of land. The tribal land was divided into quarters, 
and these quarters divided among those who chose to cultivate. 
Occupation and work gave the right to the harvest. From time 
to time, as the population varied, division and redistribution 
of fields took place. 

The ordinary dress of the Aztecs was simple. Men wore the 
breech-clout, a long and narrow strip of cloth passed between 



104 AZTEC MEXICO 

the legs, wound about the waist, and knotted; it was a decent 
covering, but scanty. During the cooler portion of the day a 
blanket was worn about the upper body. Simple sandals pro- 
tected the feet. Women wore two articles of clothing only: 
a strip of cloth wrapped about the lower body, and held in place 
by a cord at the waist, fell to the knees; the upper body was 
usually exposed, but in the colder season or in the chill of the 
evening or morning a sort of waist was worn, like a broad sack 
turned upsidedown with a hole for the head to pass through 
and with slits in the sides to permit the arms to pass ; women 
went barefoot and bareheaded. It is true, however, that rulers 
and priests were distinguished by more elaborate clothing and 
by characteristic decorations and adornments. Soldiers too 
wore a dress marked with some design, and frequently wore 
elaborate head-dresses. 

AZTEC ARCHITECTUEE 

Few, if any, actual Aztec ruins remain to tell us of their 
architectural development. From the ruins of other tribes, 
however, and from descriptions of Spanish writers, we may 
suppose that the dwelling houses of the common people were 
simple structures, easily destroyed, and leaving little trace of 
their one-time existence. Temples and governmental buildings 
were more substantial, and whatever knowledge of fine build- 
ing the Aztecs possessed, they exercised upon these buildings. 
All the ruins in Mexico which have attracted so much attention 
seem to be temples and governmental houses. Any great Indian 
town in Mexico at the present time contains a substantial church 
and a well-built municipal house ; the people live in simple huts 
of brush and mud, or houses of adobe bricks; if they were 
deserted, very soon the only ruins remaining would be these 
structures of the church and state. It is interesting to note, so 
far back in the history of Mexican people, the fact that they 
contributed largely to these two forms of social control. 



AZTEC MEXICO 105 

ARTS OF LIFE 

Most of the tools and weapons of the Aztecs were made of 
stone. They chipped arrows and spearheads and knives from 
chert and obsidian ; razors for shaving were flaked from masses 
of obsidian — a sort of volcanic glass; hatchets and axes of 
polished stone were used; the famous war-club of the Aztecs 
consisted of a flat blade of hard and heavy wood along the sides 
of which sharp splinters of obsidian were fixed in grooves ; orna- 
ments also were made of stone ; polished lip-plugs of black ob- 
sidian, transparent crystal, or amethyst, were commonly in use ; 
ear ornaments and necklaces of stone beads were known. Mirrors 
were made of polished obsidian or iron pyrite. By pecking, 
battering with a blunt-pointed pebble, great figures were shaped 
of basalt and other heavy lava and rock surfaces were covered 
with elaborate designs wonderfully wrought. Pottery was pre- 
eminently the art of arts among the Aztecs and other tribes of 
Mexico ; not only vessels for food and drink, pots for cooking, 
griddles for baking cakes, and other objects of utility were 
made, but clay was shaped into figures and forms of beauty for 
decoration or religious purposes. Native gold, native copper, 
and native silver, the latter rarely, were worked both by beat- 
ing and casting into forms of use and ornament; Bernal Diaz 
tells us that the cunning Aztec smiths knew how to cast figures 
of fishes with scales alternately of gold and silver, and little 
birds with feathers alternately of gold and silver, which were 
produced at a single casting; it is unlikely that they really did 
this, though they may have seemed to do so. They could actually 
cast little figures of frogs with pellet eyes which rattled loosely 
in their rounded sockets, but were too large to be shaken out. 
One art in which the Aztecs had great skill was feather-work; 
they not only employed large feathers for head-dresses and war- 
jackets, but they combined the delicate and brilliant metallic- 
lustered dainty feathers from the throats of humming-birds into 
pictures which were worked out as delicately as the miniature 
paintings of mediaeval Europeans. The Aztecs were passion- 



106 AZTEC MEXICO 

ately fond of flowers and used them decoratively on all public 
occasions; arches of green and flowers were erected along the 
line of march of processions. 

EDUCATION AND AET 

To the education of the young considerable attention was 
given. There is still in existence a manuscript painted by an 
Aztec artist shortly after the Conquest at the wish of the Vice- 
roy Mendoza, in which the training of youth is shown. In fact, 
the career of an individual from the cradle to the grave is repre- 
sented in this series of pictures. The boy was taught the proper 
occupations of his sex and trained in warfare ; the girl learned 
to spin and weave and to do the duties of the home. Instruc- 
tion in higher branches — what we ourselves usually mean by 
education — ^was given by priests and priestesses, but chiefly the 
children of the well-to-do and official classes only received this. 

Picture-writing was notably developed; we have already 
stated that the Aztecs had begun to see that characters might 
be used to represent sounds instead of to convey ideas; this 
notion, however, was far from being fully grasped, and in the 
inscription and books remaining to us, the phonetic characters 
are exceedingly rare, while the ideographic are common. A 
considerable number of the Aztec books remain, and of most 
of these exact facsimiles have been printed for the benefit of 
students. For the most part, they deal with magic and religion ; 
they are religious calendars intended to assist in following the 
ceremonials of the year. 

The Aztecs were fond of poetry; it is claimed that we still 
possess the seventy songs of Netzalhuatcoyotl ; he was not him- 
self an Aztec, but an Acolhua (a neighboring tribe with its 
capital city, Texcoco, across the lake) ; his poems are full of 
bold metaphors and other figures of speech. While perhaps 
we have no actual Aztec poems left, we know that these people 
were fond of music; they had a wide range of musical instru- 
ments — drums, rattles, whistles, pipes, and the like; they had 
songs adapted to all occasions. There were spring songs, war 



AZTEC MEXICO 107 

songs, flower songs, dirges, and many others. There were sing- 
ing schools held in special houses-of-song ; many of the songs 
were known to all. 

The most astonishing intellectual achievement of the Aztecs 
was their astronomical knowledge, as shown in their time- 
reckoning; they knew the actual length of the year; they knew 
how to adjust the excess of some hours and minutes beyond 
365 days so as to avoid confusion ; their system of interpolation 
was wonderfully exact, and it may perhaps be said that their 
calendar was more correct at the time of the Spanish Conquest 
than the calendar in use among the conquerors. It is this fact 
more than any other, perhaps, which led Prescott to make his 
sweeping statement. 

THE NATUKE OP THE AZTECS 

Two words best characterize the nature of the Aztecs: they 
were . avaricious and blood-thirsty. Merchants were a recog- 
nized class among them; they organized extensive expeditions 
and went to distant towns to trade their manufactures for 
desired products of other regions; these expeditions were 
important enterprises, requiring long and careful preparations, 
provisions for defense, etc. War was held in highest esteem. 
All boys were given more or less of military training. War- 
parties were divided into companies of several hundred, these 
into smaller divisions, and these into little groups of twenty 
fighters, each group with its flag or standard; even these little 
groups were subdivided into clusters of six or eight individuals 
who, in war, would fight together. In fighting there was less 
desire to kill than to take prisoners. When the Aztecs waged 
successful war against another tribe, they did not annex 
the territory of the conquered, but left it to them; they 
demanded, however, the payment of tribute, and sometimes set 
aside certain fields, the produce of which was to form a portion 
of the tribute. With some nations war was constant. It is even 
claimed that, by the Aztecs and their allies in the Valley of 
Mexico, a definite arrangement had been made with the 



108 AZTEC MEXICO 

Tlaxcalans, the object of which was that the Aztecs were to 
constantly exploit Tlaxcala for war victims, and that Tlaxcala 
was to look to them for captives for their own altar sacrifices. 

A BLOODY WORSHIP 

It is of course in religion that we find the most complete 
exhibition of a people's character. As every people creates 
its god in its own image, we may judge a people from the objects 
of its worship. The gods of the Aztecs were blood-thirsty 
because the people themselves were blood-thirsty. There were 
scores of gods, and in the whole long list only one was kind, 
and he was borrowed. Lew Wallace's ''Fair God" takes its 
name from this deity. Quetzalcoatl was his name. He was a 
god of fair skin from an eastern home; he was a culture hero 
and taught men many of the best things which they knew; his 
altars were bloodless, he desired no human sacrifices; but we 
have said, he was a borrowed god. The true Aztec gods were 
creatures like Huitzilopochtl, Tetzcatlipoca, Tlaloc, Centeotl. 
Huitzilopochtl was preeminently the tribal deity; a hideous 
creature of war, he demanded constant human sacrifices. The 
Tlalocs were rain gods and demanded innocent children for 
sacrifices ; if these wept, so much the better, — the rains would be 
so much more abundant. 

Centeotl was the god of the corn-fields and the harvest ; the 
deity was either male or female, being at once a mother and a 
son; the fields drank blood, and the celebration to Centeotl 
demanded many victims ; after the sacrifice was made, the victim 
was flayed, and the celebrant drew the skin of the unfortunate 
being over his own body. It was a common rule that the victim 
of the sacrifice was ceremonially eaten ; the head was cut off in 
order that the skull might be retained and placed in the zompantl 
as trophy or evidence of the popularity of the god; certain 
portions of the headless body were retained by the priests, and 
the balance was thrown down from the temple pyramid to the 
men who had captured the victim on the field of battle, who 
now carried the mangled corpse to their homes and ate it. 



AZTEC MEXICO 



109 



THE PEEMANENT SOVEREIGN 




SKULLS OP SACTIFICED VTI^TmS li.^ '^°™'^ "».000 



110 AZTEC MEXICO 

THE NEW FIEE SECULAE CEEEMONY 

Certainly one of the most picturesque and interesting of the 
ancient ceremonies was the secular festival celebrated at the 
end of the fifty-two years' cycle. The Aztecs counted time in 
cycles of fifty-two years as we count it in cycles of one hundred 
years. They believed that the world would come to an end at 
the close of some such cycle. There had already been four 
destructions of the world. The first time it was destroyed by 
pestilence, the second time by earthquake, the third by deluge, 
the fourth by rain. The present, then, was the fifth existence 
of our globe. As the end of any cycle approached, dread and 
fear took possession of the people ; no new enterprises were 
undertaken; houses damaged by earthquake were not repaired; 
weaving and spinning ceased; what was the use of expending 
labor, thought and energy upon things which might be of no 
utility? On the last day of the cycle weeping and wailing and 
woe prevailed., AH the fires in the houses were extinguished. 
When evening came the whole population left the city and passed 
out over the great causeway to the ' ' hill of the star, ' ' Ixtapalapa, 
on whose summit was the little temple where the great sacrifice 
of the cycle's end was to take place. The victim this time was 
,an Aztec who offered himself for the general welfare. Prepara- 
tions were made. Darkness came. The priests upon the hilltop 
watched the constellations as they swept across the heavens. 
When the Pleiades reached the meridian, the moment had come 
for the will of the gods to be made known. The victim was 
thrown upon the sacrificial stone, with a flint knife his breast 
was opened and his heart dragged out ; into the gaping wound a 
block of wood (notched at the edge) was laid, and into the notch 
an upright stick, blunt-pointed, was placed; five priests held 
the victim, two held his feet, two others held his hands, and the 
fifth held a wooden yoke over his neck; two other priests 
operated the sticks, one holding the lower block in place, the 
other whirling the upright stick between his palms, pressing it 
downward. If the gods were kind and answered the prayers 



AZTEC MEXICO 111 

of the people by a spark of fire, all was well, and the old world 
would have another fifty- two years' reprieve. Anxiously they 
watched the little heap of wood-dust whirled out by the revolv- 
ing upper stick; in a moment there glowed within it a spark 
of fire, the gift of the gods. Carefully they pressed toward 
it, fed it tinder, nursed it into a flame. Instantly they lighted 
their torches, and with cries of joy they rushed down the hill- 
side with the blazing evidence of divine approval. The crowd 
of thousands down below had brought with them from their 
homes new torches, and as the priests reached the base of the 
little hill, they pressed around them to light their own torches 
from those kindled by the heavenly fire. With singing, cries 
of joy, and dancing, those who came out weeping and in sorrow 
hastened to their homes. New fires were kindled in every house. 
The next morning all was life and bustle. Houses were being 
repaired, cloth woven, pots shaped. Fifty-two years more of 
life for world and people ! 

THE BOUNDS OF EMPIKE 

Naturally those who have imagined the Aztec Empire and 
the sway of the mighty Montezumas, after the fashion of Ban- 
croft and Lew Wallace, have thought of that empire as being 
coterminous with the now-existing Mexican Republic. What 
were the facts? The lovely valley in which the Aztecs lived 
has a long oval form and measures perhaps not more than forty 
miles in length and less than twenty miles in breadth. It is a 
rather small area for an empire. But the Aztecs did not own 
even all of it; they were but a single tribe within that area. 
They had neighbors, distinct tribes like themselves, with inde- 
pendent governments. Chief among these neighbors were the 
Acolhuas, living across the lake and having as their capital city 
Texcoco. Less important, but by no means insignificant, were 
the Tecpanecans, their capital city being Tlacopan. The street- 
car line today connects the City of Mexico with the suburb of 
Atzcapozalco — only seven miles separating them ; Atzcapozalco 
was the capital city of another ' ' kingdom. ' ' And with these the 



112 AZTEC MEXICO 

enumeration of the populations of the valley is not exhausted. 
In other words, the Aztecs were one tribe only in a group of 
tribes which occupied the little area of the famous Mexican 
Valley. When Cortes came, the Aztecs had had wars with many 
of their neighbors. They had patched up an alliance with the 
Acolhuas and the Tecpanecans ; the three tribes formed a con- 
federacy like our own; each of the members of the union had 
an independent local government ; collectively they acted through 
a council of the confederacy; at the head of the confederacy was 
the ''Chief of Men" — Montezuma at the moment of the Con-, 
quest, but this confederacy was at that time far from being 
imperial ; it was, however, waging aggressive warfare, and when 
Cortes came, it maintained outposts of trade and tribute. in 
various parts of Mexico. 

WHAT COETES FOUND 

What, then, did Cortes find? He found Mexico occupied by 
scores of warring, barbarous, independent Indian tribes. All 
were agricultural and settled populations. Orozco y Berra lists 
more than one hundred and fifty languages spoken at that time 
in what is today Mexico. The Aztecs were one tribe among this 
mass of tribes; it was larger than some, more advanced than 
many. 



THE CONQUEST 



HERNAN CORTES EXPEDITION TO MEXICO — PLAN OP CONQUEST — THE 

TLAXCALANS ARRIVAL. AT TENOCHTITLAN SUPPRESSION OP PLOT 

OF NARVAEZ A CRITICAL SITUATION ^BATTLE OF OTUMBA THE 

LAST STRUGGLE — CORTES IN CHARGE CAUSES OP EASY CONQUEST. 

THE Conquest of 
Mexico is one 
of the romantic 
chapters of history. It 
has been written many 
times. Hernan Cortes, 
its leader, was born 
in 1485, at Medellin, 
Estramadura, Spain. 
His parents were poor, 
but of noble family. 
The young man was 
sent to school at Sala- 
manca, but after two 
years of study, aban- 
doned further education 
and determined to seek 
a life of fortune and 
adventure. In 1504, 
when only nineteen 
years of age, he went to 
the Indies. In Santo 
Domingo he enlisted under Diego Velasquez, to war against 
the non-pacified tribes of Indians in that island. He was after- 
wards scribe of the Ayuntamiento of Azua, at the same time 
occupying himself in agricultural pursuits. When Diego 
Velasquez went to conquer Cuba, in 1511, Cortes accompanied 
him. In the new field, he was an official of the treasury, and 
at the same time conducted stock-raising enterprises. In con- 

113 




HEENAN COETES. 



114 THE CONQUEST 

sequence of a love affair, in connection with the lady whom he 
afterwards married, he had a serious quarrel with Velasquez, 
was imprisoned, escaped, and was forced to seek refuge in a 
church edifice. Finally, however, the two men became recon- 
ciled, and Cortes served as an alcalde of Santiago de Cuba, 
in 1518. 

EXPEDITION TO MEXICO 

Diego Velasquez and Cortes fitted out an expedition which 
was to undertake the conquest of Mexico. The expedition 
actually sailed on February 10, 1519. As the date for its start 
approached, Velasquez became suspicious of the designs of 
Cortes, and undertook to prevent the sailing, but was too late. 
The expedition, at its start, consisted of eleven vessels, with 508 
soldiers, 110 sailors, 32 cross-bowmen, 13 gunners, something 
more than 200 Indians, 16 mares, 1 stallion, 10 bronze cannon, 
and 4 falconets. On February 18th, it reached the island of 
Cozumel where Pedro de Alvardo, lieutenant of Cortes, sacked 
the temples and the native houses. Cortes disapproved of the 
violence of Alvarado and restored the property of the Indians. 
He then sent messages to Yucatan for the purpose of redeeming 
any captives of Grijalva's earlier expedition, who might remain 
in the hands of the Indians in that country. Geronimo de 
Aguilar was thus redeemed and proved of great use to the con- 
queror on account of his knowledge of the Indians and of some 
of the native dialects. 

The party sailed from Cozumel to Tabasco, ascending the 
river in their smaller boats from its mouth to a considerable 
distance. During this excursion, they had three or four battles 
with the Indians. In the arrangements for peace, the Tabas- 
quenos gave the Spaniards from ten to twenty Indian girls, 
among whom was one known as La Malintzin. She was taken 
by Cortes, baptized under the name of Marina, and was of great 
use to him in his later dealings with the Indians of the country. 
She had great love for him and was the mother of his son Martin. 
She figures repeatedly in the story of the conquest. The expedi - 



THE CONQUEST 115 

tion of Cortes finally returned to San Juan de Ulua on April 
21, 1519. 

PLAN OF CONQUEST 

Cortes now founded, close to San Juan de Ulua, La Villa- 
Rica de Vera Cruz. He named an ayuntamiento, or town gov- 
ernment which, in turn, named him captain-general of the con- 
quering force. Here for the first time Cortes heard of Monte- 
zuma and the Aztec Tenochtitlan. He then visited the important 
Indian town of Cempoala, where he learned of the Tlaxcalans 
and their constant hostility toward Montezuma and his Aztecs. 
Discovering an insurrection plotting among his followers, Cortes 
dealt with it promptly, hanging, whipping, and mutilating the 
plotters. Having decided to march to the interior and under- 
take the conquest of the Aztec city, he left Cempoala on August 
6th, and marched with no events of serious consequence to 
Tlaxcala. Here, on September 5th, he had an important battle 
with the Tlaxcalan forces led by a notable chief called Xicoten- 
catl. He defeated the Indian force, and on September 22nd, a 
treaty was arranged with the Indians and a friendly reception 
given to the Spaniards in the city of Tlaxcala. 

THE TLAXCALANS 

From here the Spaniards marched to Cholula, a town at no 
great distance upon the road to Tenochtitlan. The Cholultecas 
received the new-comers in a friendly manner ; they were plotting 
treachery, however, a fact discovered by Marina, who informed 
Cortes of the plot. He called the chiefs together, declared their 
perfidy to their faces, and slaughtered 3,000 of the people. His 
Tlaxcalan friends were present and looted, carrying rich booty 
back to their own city. After having visited the measure of his 
wrath upon the unfortunate city, he remained two weeks in 
Cholula before resuming his march to the valley of Mexico. 

AEEIVAL AT TENOCHTITLAN 

When he started upon this last stage of his journey of in- 
vasion, he had great numbers of Tlaxcalan allies as well as a 



116 



THE CONQUEST 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 

N0C3HE TRISTE TREE, POPOTLA. 



THE CONQUEST 



117 




C?opyriglited by Underwood and Underwood 

WEAVING MAGUEY FIBEE, MONTEEEY. 



118 THE CONQUEST 

considerable force of Texcocans supplied by the Acolhua chief, 
Ixtlilxochitl, who had quarreled with his brother, Cacama. It 
was November 8th when the Spanish force arrived at Tenoch- 
titlan, where they were met in state by Montezuma, and Cortes 
lodged in the palace of Axayacatl. Cortes spent some days in 
making himself acquainted with the city, in ingratiating him- 
self with Montezuma, and in trying to persuade him to recog- 
nize Spanish authority. He found the inhabitants of the great 
Indian city unfriendly and realized that trouble was brewing. 
To bring matters to a crisis and exercise authority, he went 
with several of his trusted lieutenants to the palace of Monte- 
zuma and demanded the punishment of a certain cacique who 
had killed Spaniards. Montezuma, intimidated, yielded to the 
demand. The chief, Cuauhpopoca, was sent for and was given 
up to the Spaniards. Cortes ordered that he should be burned 
alive with seventeen attendants. 

SUPPKESSION OF PLOT 

At this time Cortes learned that Panfilo de Narvaez with 600 
soldiers had been sent from Cuba by Velasquez to remove him 
from his command. Leaving Pedro de Alvarado in charge 
during his absence, Cortes hurried to Vera Cruz. He surprised 
Narvaez in Cempoala, completely defeated him, and with the 
new forces which he had brought hastened back to Mexico. When 
he arrived there, he found things going badly. Alvarado had 
had difficulties, arising from his cruel treatment of the Indians. 
The Aztecs had desired to hold their regular annual religious 
festival of the month of May. They had notified Alvarado of 
their desire and asked permission. He had told them they could 
hold the festival provided they were not armed. In the midst 
of their ceremonials, at night, Alvarado, with fifty of his 
Spaniards, entered the building in which the ceremonies were 
being conducted and killed the entire party of Indians. The 
result was to be expected ; the Aztecs rose and besieged Alva- 
rado. When Cortes returned he found this trouble at its height. 
Nor was it easy for him to deal with the difficulty • the Aztecs 



THE CONQUEST 119 

were completely aroused and in serious earnest. Cortes found 
himself in a state of siege. There were constant attacks upon 
him, sallies, repulses, and retreats. The number of his soldiers 
was constantly diminishing. The outlook was dark. 

A CEITICAL SITUATION 

Finally, as a desperate measure, he persuaded Montezuma 
to harangue his people from the azotea of the palace in which 
they were staying. The ruler unwillingly complied; he 
harangued his people, but they became the more enraged ; arrows 
were shot, stones hurled, and the great Chief of Men was 
wounded. On the night of June 29th Montezuma died. Some 
writers say that his death was due to the wounds received from 
his people ; others insist that the Spaniards, in their rage and 
desperation, murdered him. However that may be, the Span- 
iards found themselves compelled to withdraw from Tenoch- 
titlan. Their retreat was made on the night of July 1st, It was 
a fearful flight. A constant attack was made upon the retreat- 
ing white men. Many Spanish soldiers were drowned or killed. 
It was with difficulty that Cortes himself made his escape. The 
night is known in history by the Spanish name La Noche Triste 
(the sad night). It is said that when Cortes reached the village 
of Popotla he paused to rest under a great cypress tree, and as he 
contemplated the little remnant of his army, he wept with rage 
and sorrow over his defeat. The tree is believed to be still stand- 
ing, and is commonly visited by strangers as one of the sights of 
Mexico. 

BATTLE OF OTUMBA 

With the remnant of his force Cortes made his way to Oton- 
calpolco, where he captured the temple pyramid of the village 
and fortified it. Here he collected his scattered forces, healed his 
wounded, and rested. His further retreat from, this place was 
difficult. They were harassed by thousands of the Aztecs. They 
were reduced to such extremities that they were compelled to eat 
the dead and worn out horses. They finally reached Otumba 



120 



THE CONQUEST 




THE CONQUEST 121 

where a frightful battle took place with a multitude of the 
enemy. The day was almost lost when Cortes, noticing the in- 
fluence of the leader of the attacking force, had the sudden 
inspiration to attempt his capture. With his trusted followers 
he made a sudden dash upon the unfortunate chief, seizing him 
and taking possession of the standard. The tide of battle was 
turned by this act, and a great victory gained by the Spanish 
force. 

After this incident, Cortes made hi^ way to the city of Tlax- 
cala where he was well received by the chief in charge, Maxix-- 
catzin. The Spanish losses had been great — 450 soldiers, 26 
horses, and 4,000 Indian allies were left dead. In the midst of 
his faithful Tlaxcalan allies, Cortes rested, recuperated, and 
strengthened his ties with the Tlaxcalan people. He made 
various campaigns from the Tlaxcalan territory, including one 
to Vera Cruz. Toward the end of December he felt himself in 
the position to resume the offensive. 

On December 26th he set out again for the valley of Mexico 
with 700 foot-soldiers, 118 cross-bowmen, 86 horses, and 50,000 
Indian allies. He reached Texcoco on December 31st. Here he 
hung Xicotencatl, his first Tlaxcalan ally, for desertion. Here 
he constructed and launched upon the lake several small brigs. 
It is said that his Indian allies supplied 16,000 canoes. His lieu- 
tenants, Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval, were sent by land to close 
in from three sides upon the city. He himself was to approach 
with his brigs and canoes by water, and with him were the hosts 
of native allies — Tlaxcalans, Cholultecas, and Acolhuas from 
Texcoco. 

THE LAST STRUGGLE 

When Montezuma died, his brother, Cuitlahuac, had become 
chief of men ; he soon died of smaMpox. When Cortes with his 
enormous force appeared, the nephew of Montezuma, Cua- 
uhtemoc, was in the position of Aztec leader. He was a young 
man of little more than twenty years ; he was brave, wise, and 
patriotic. He had made preparations for the attack. Provisions 



122 THE CONQUEST 

Jiad been brought together, strategic points fortified, the cause- 
ways had been cut, a great fleet of canoes had been prepared. 
Cuauhtemoc himself was in personal charge of the Aztec forces. 
A brave defense was made. The enormous army of Cortes made 
repeated attempts upon the city and were frequently repulsed 
with vigorous fighting and much loss. For a long time the 
struggle dragged on. Cortes found that he could make headway 
only by destroying all the houses and filling the canals with their 
debris. Little by little pursuing this policy, he made advance. 
The besieged Aztecs suffered frightfully, but repeatedly refused 
to surrender their city. Famine and disease afflicted them. At 
last their dwindling force was too sadly weakened to defend the 
city longer. After eighty days of formal siege, Tenochtitlan was 
surrendered. This took place on August 13, 1521. The brave 
chieftain, Cuauhtemoc, was at first well treated. Cortes, on the 
surrender of the city, ordered the dead to be burned and the city 
cleaned. Later on, impelled by that heart-disease which only 
gold can cure, Cortes permitted Cuauhtemoc to be tortured in 
the hope that he would surrender the secret of the Aztec treasure 
which had disappeared. 

COETES IN" CHAEGE 

Upon the site of the old Indian city the Spanish City of 
Mexico was built. Cortes assumed control of the conquered 
territory as governor, captain-general, and chief magistrate. 
Actually all power centered in him ; but he left some degree of 
authority in the hands of native chiefs. Olid, who had been sent 
to Central America, plotted an insurrection. Cortes went in 
person to suppress it; but when he arrived, he found that his 
rebellious lieutenant was already dead. 

CAUSES OF»EASY CONQUEST 

The further story of Cortes does not particularly interest us. 
There are, however, some things connected with the conquest 
which deserve mention. From a certain point of view, the Con- 
quest of Mexico was a great military achievement. It was the 



THE CONQUEST 123 

victory of a little handful of invaders against enormous crowds of 
brave and warlike enemies. The ease of the conquest, however, 
was due to a variety of causes. To begin with, Cortos was no 
novice in Indian warfare ; he had already gained experience in 
battling against the refractories of Santa Domingo. Again, we 
must remember that the great advantage which the Indians had 
in numbers was lost in the disparity of the forces in the matter 
of arms and equipment; the Aztecs had never seen horses, and 
the mounted soldiers were at a great advantage; the Indians 
were armed with darts and slings, clubs and wooden swords with 
inlaid splinters of obsidian ; against these simple weapons were 
firearms and cross-bows. Again, the Aztecs were at a great 
disadvantage in their idea of warfare ; it had always been their 
practice to capture, not to kill, the enemy; the practice of the 
Spaniards of course was to destroy as many lives as possible. 
Another fact which contributed to the easy victory of Cortes 
is to be found in the superstitious fears of the Indians against 
those whom they fought; when the white men first appeared, 
they were looked upon as sacred or divine ; the Aztecs were look- 
ing for the return of their fair god, Quetzalcoatl, who was to 
come across the seas from the East ; prophecy indicated that his 
coming was at hand; and when the Spaniards appeared, they 
were considered at least the messengers of Quetzalcoatl; it was 
some time before the natives realized that the new-comers were 
dangerous humans, not kindly deities. The most important aid, 
however, was the fact that Cortes found a country occupied 
by already warring and hostile tribes ; if there had been a bond 
of union between the Mexican Indians, and they had made com- 
mon cause against the Spaniards, of course the invaders would 
have stood no chance of victory. But the people of Tlaxcala were 
hostile to the Cholultecas, only a few miles distant from them ; 
both quarrelled with Texcoco; between the Tlaxcalans and the 
Aztecs there were feuds of long duration. It was because of these 
petty tribal bickerings and difficulties that Cortes utilized tribe 
against tribe and won. 



124 



THE CONQUEST 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 
INDIAI^ MARKET AT OMEALCO. PEANUTS AEE KNOWN BY THE 
AZTEC NAME CACAHUATES. THE HKESS HERE WQEN IS THE 
CHAEACTEKISTIC DEESS OF COMMON MEXICANS, BOTH MESTIZO 
AND INDIANS OF THE MOEE ACCESSIBDE DISTEICTS. 



GUADALUPE 



THE RELIGIOUS CONQUEST THE STORY OF THE VIRGIN OP GUADALUPE 

THE nation's PATRON DECEMBER 12 IN MEXICO THE CROWNING 



OF THE VIRGIN — ALTAMIRANO 'S VERDICT. 

IN the Aztec language not only nouns and verbs liad reveren- 
tial forms. Even adjectives and, adverbs possessed them. 
It is suggestive of the psychology of the tribe. 
The only ruins that remain of buildings of the Indians of 
ancient Mexico are those for governmental and religious pur- 
poses. They are palaces or temples. The common people lived 
in huts, but they provided splendid and permanent constructions 
for their rulers and their priests. Throughout Indian Mexico 
to-day the town-house and the church are buildings, which would 
outlast the simple houses of the villagers. 

THE RELIGIOUS CONQUEST 

Close after the conquest of Mexico by the soldier and the 
sword, came its conquest by the priest and book. Devoted men 
promptly set themselves to work to bring the pagan populace of 
the newly conquered region into the bosom of the church. The 
story of their conquest is as interesting as that of the followers 
of Cortes. The rapidity of the work of conversion to Christianity 
was phenomenal. It is as marked as the ease with which the 
material conquest was accomplished. Hundreds — nay, thousands 
— were converted under the preaching of single apostles of the 
faith. Among the missionaries were men of gentle blood, of 
learning — men who had been powers had they stayed in Europe. 
They submitted to every hardship, risked every danger, courted 
martyrdom. Many actually met death, and a great volume could 
be filled with an account of their consecrated efforts. 

No religion ever makes great headway among a new people 
until it is able to take over the sacred places of the old religion. 
Outside the old City of Mexico, there was a place sacred to the 
mother-god, Tonantzin. It must have been a place of popular 

125 



126 aUADALUPE 

pilgrimage and sanctity. It is to-day the most sacred spot in 
Mexico, and in connection with it there is a story. All have heard 
it, but it will bear repeating. 

THE STOBY OF THE VIRGIN OF GUADALUPE 

We shall repeat it as told by Vetancurt, the monk, in 1672. 
Janvier translates the record from his chronicle as follows: 
''Juan Diego, a native of Cuauhtitlan, living with his wife, Lucia 
Maria, in the town of Tolpetlac, went to hear mass in the church 
of Santiago Tlaltelolco, on the morning of Saturday, December 9, 
1531. As he was near the hill called Tepeyacac, he heard the 
music of angels. Then beheld he amid splendors, a Lady who 
spoke to him, and directed him to go to the Bishop and tell that 
it was her will that in that place should be built to her a temple. 
Upon his knees he listened to her bidding, and then, happy and 
confused, betook himself to the Bishop with the message that 
she had given him. But while the Bishop, Don Juan Zumarraga, 
heard him kindly, he could not give credence to the prodigy that 
he was told. With this disconsolate answer, he returned, finding 
there again the Lady, who heard what he had to tell and bade him 
come to her again. Therefore, on the Sunday ensuing, he was at 
the hillside, when she appeared to him for the third time and 
repeated her order that he should convey to the Bishop her com- 
mand that a temple should be built. The Bishop heard the 
message, still incredulous, and ordered that the Indian should 
bring him some sure sign by which he might be shown that what 
he told was true ; and when the Indian departed, the Bishop said 
to some of his servants to watch him secretly. Yet, as he neared 
the holy hill, he disappeared from the sight of these watchers. 
Unseen, then, of these, he met the Lady and told her that he had 
been required to bring some sure sign of her appearance; and 
she told him to come again the next day, and he should have that 
sign. But when he came to his home, he found his uncle, Juan 
Bernardino, lying very ill. Through the next day he was in 
attendance upon the sick man; but the sickness increased, and 
early on the morning of December 12th, he went to call a con- 



GUADALUPE 127 

fessor from Tlaltelolco. That he might not be delayed in his 
quest by that Lady's importunity, he went not by the usual path, 
but by another, skirting the eastern side of the hill. But as he 
passed the hill, he saw the Lady coming down to him and heard 
her calhng to him. He told her his errand and of its urgent need 
of quickness, whereupon she replied that he need not feel further 
troubled, as already his uncle's illness was cured. Then ordered 
she him to cut some flowers on that barren hill, and to his amaze- 
ment, he perceived flowers growing there. She charged him to 
take these miraculous flowers to the Bishop; as the sign that he 
had requested ; and she commanded that Juan Diego should show 
them to no other until they were seen of the Bishop's eyes. 
Therefore, he wrapped them in his tilma, or blanket, and 
hastened away. And then, from the spot where most Holy Mary 
stood, there gushed forth a spring of brackish water, which now 
is venerated and is an antidote to infirmities. Juan Diego waited 
at the entrance of the Bishop's house until he came out, and when 
: he appeared and the flowers were shown him, there was seen the 
image of the Virgin beautifully painted upon the Indian's tilma. 
The Bishop placed the miraculous picture in his oratory, venerat- 
ing it greatly; and Juan Diego, returning to his home with two 
servants of the Bishop, found that his uncle had been healed of 
his sickness in the very hour that the Virgin declared that he 
was well. As quickly as possible the Bishop caused a^ chapel to 
be built upon the spot where the Virgin had appeared and where 
the miraculous roses had sprung up from the barren rock; and 
here he placed the holy image on the 7th of February, 1532." 

THE nation's PATRON" 

The miraculous painting has long been an object of reverence 
to all true Mexicans. The picture, reproduced in every form, is to 
be seen in the poorest houses throughout the whole Eepublic. 
She is preeminently, however, the patron of the Indians. Decem- 
ber 12th is celebrated as a national holiday. On that date the 
throng of Mexicans of every grade at the great church of Guada- 
lupe is enormous. The summit of the rock to-dav is crowned with 



128 



GUADALUPE 




CJopyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 

THE COLLEGIATE CHUECH, GUADALUPE. 



GUADALUPE 



129 




130 GUADALUPE 

a little clmrcli known as the Capilla del Cerrito (cliapel of the 
hill) ; the sacred spring, which sprung forth at the place where 
her foot trod, is sheltered by a pretty chapel known as the Capilla 
del Pocito (the chapel of the well). At the base of the rock upon 
the place where she made her fourth apparition, stands the great 
collegiate church, one of the finest in Mexico. Until lately, a 
monumental shaft on the lower hill-slope near the chapel of the 
well, marked the place of her first apparition. 

DECEMBER 12 IN" MEXICO 

On Guadalupe Bay, the whole place is occupied by the crowd 
of people. Thousands ascend the rock to the little chapel of the 
hill. Thousands carry away vessels of the healing water from the 
yellow spring which still gushes forth abundantly. Thousands of 
candles are offered in the collegiate church. On the streets, 
groups of Indians dressed according to their notions of the 
ancient custom, playing old-fashioned instruments of music, 
indulgfe in pretty dances to simple songs of praise in honor of the 
Virgin. Nor is pilgrimage and celebration confined to the single 
day of December 12th. Throughout the year people come from 
many portions of the Eepublic, and a pilgrimage to Guadalupe is 
almost obligatory in the mind of the common people. So popular 
was she, so beloved, so trusted that her image was borne upon the 
banner which led the forces of the revolution under the priest 
Hidalgo in 1910. To her the popular mind attributed the victory 
when, after years of struggle, Mexico succeeded in freeing her- 
self from Spain. 

THE CROWNING OF THE VIRGIN 

In 1895, the occasion of the coronation of the Virgin of Guada- 
lupe was one of the most interesting and impressive functions 
ever witnessed within the limits of the Republic. It is said that 
almost a half million people from outside were gathered in the 
city. The open spaces for a long distance around the rock and the 
commemorating churches were filled at night with common people 
sleeping out-of-doors on the ground. The collegiate church had 



GUADALUPE 131 

been reconstructed and splendidly adorned; its walls were 
decorated with enormous paintings relative to the history of the 
apparition and to the religious conquest of the country; these 
paintings, some of good merit, were given by different dioceses, 
in various parts of the Eepublic. Other decorations of the church 
of great value represent donations, showing the widespread and 
deep interest of the people. The ceremony proper of the corona- 
tion was participated in by church dignitaries from many lands. 

ALTAMIRANO'S VERDICT 

One of the most famous Mexican writers, Altamirano, himself 
an Indian and a man of great ability, wrote an important and 
delightful study of La Fiesta de Guadalupe (the festival of 
Guadalupe). It sketches the whole history of the famous virgin, 
from the time of the claimed apparition up to the date when he 
wrote; he presents the interesting discussion which has taken 
place regarding the authenticity of the tradition ; it is one of the 
most interesting critical discussions ever written regarding any 
Mexican matter. He himself was a liberal of liberals — in fact, a 
pronounced free thinker. He closes his interesting discussion 
with the following words: ''We have at last arrived at the 
present epoch. The worship of the Virgin of Guadalupe, although 
without official support, continues as fervent and as universal as 
formerly, except that now it is a cult exclusively religious and 
peaceful. And no one raised the Guadalupe ensign in the civil 
contests, nor in the national wars of 1846 and 47 against the 
North Americans ; nor did the patriots unfurl it in the war of 
1861 to 1867 against the French imperialists. Some there are 
who believe that if, during the first of these national wars the 
image of the Mexican Virgin had been placed upon our banners 
as in 1810, the Yankees would not have entered into Mexico. It 
is more than doubtful and, moreover, experience has proved that 
the enthusiasm for the national image has been efficacious against 
the Spaniards only. 

' ' To-day nothing is written in favor of the apparition nor is 
there necessity of it. The cult is established; no one interests 



132 GUADALUPE 

himself in contradicting it. . . . There is nothing new said 
about it ; the Mexicans unanimously adore the Virgin — those who 
profess Catholic ideas, for religious motives ; the liberals, from 
memory of the banner of the year '10 ; the Indians, because it is 
their only goddess ; strangers, in order not to wound the national 
sentiment; — and all consider it as an essentially Mexican symbol. 
. . . The festivals each time are celebrated with equal pomp ; 
it is difficult to encounter a Mexican family in which there is not 
some feminine, or even masculine person, who is named "Guada- 
lupe,'^ and there is no one to whom the pronunciation of this 
name does not evoke some memory. The day in which the Virgin 
of Tepeyac is not worshiped in this land there will certainly have 
disappeared not only the Mexican nationality, but even the very 
memory of the inhabitants of the Mexico of to-day. ' ' 

These are strong words for a free thinker to utter. They are 
not perhaps too strong. There are few things which unite Mexi- 
cans in a common bond of sympathy. Most of the influences 
separate and divide them. A common affection and reverence for 
their natioijal Virgin is perhaps the strongest tie. 



THE GLOEIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 

RELIGIOUS OEGANIZATION SIXTEENTH CENTUEY CULTURE ^BOOK 

PRINTING INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION MEXICO UNDER THE VICEROYS 

MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT SPAIN 's POLICY ^DISCRIMINATION 

AGAINST CREOLES EDUCATION NEGLECTED RELIGIOUS SITUATION 

^VASSALAGE AND SLAVERY — -MAKE-UP OP THE POPULATION. 

TENOCHTITLAN was razed; its canals were filled with 
its debris. A new city was reared upon its site. For a 
time Cortes ruled supreme in Mexico. In 1522 a 
town government — ayuntamiento — ^was organized; in 1528 an 
audiencia, consisting of five commissioners to act as a check upon 
the governor and ayuntamiento, was appointed. In 1535 the first 
actual viceroy was named. 

RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION 

So much for civil government in the new colony. In 1524 
the famous twelve apostles of the Francisco Order came to 
Mexico. Dominicans soon followed them. In 1527 the first 
Bishop of Mexico was appointed. Before vice-royalty, ecclesi- 
astical organization existed. Through the Dominicans the Holy 
Office, or Inquisition, was introduced. Let it be said in passing 
that Indians were exempted from its operation. The ecclesi- 
astical establishment thus early perfected possessed great politi- 
cal influence throughout the history of Mexico. Particularly 
were the Dominicans ambitious and influential in governmental 
matters. 

SIXTEENTH CENTURY CULTURE 

Remember the time — it was the sixteenth century. There 
grew up in Mexico a splendid city with the wealth, culture, and 
refinement of the day. On the whole, it was a glorious century. 
In the City of Mexico the university was opened in 1553. 
Throngs of students were awaiting for the day when its doors 
should permit their entrance. In its curriculum it was patterned 

133 



134 THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 

after the University of Salamanca, then at the height of its glory ; 
the faculty of the new institution was drawn from the graduates 
and doctors of the old school. All this took place in Mexico 
almost seventy years 'before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth 
Eock! 

BOOK FEINTING 

From time to time we read that The Bay Psalter was the 
earliest piece of printing in America. Such a claim of course 
is false. Perhaps the first printing-press in North America was 
established in 1535 in the City of Mexico. During the sixteenth 
century there were various printing-houses, and many books 
were published. After more than three hundred years, their 
paper, type, ink, and binding are freqtiently in fine condition. 
More than two hundred different books printed in the City of 
Mexico before the year 1600 are known in libraries — ^many more 
probably have disappeared forever. In 1571 the second edition 
of Molina's Aztec Dictionary was printed in Mexico; it is said 
to have been a more voluminous lexicon than existed of the Eng- 
lish language at that time. 

The man who made a scientific discovery, produced a credit- 
able literary work, wrought a work of art — painting or sculpture 
■ — was expected to present his production publicly for criticism, 
discussion, and approval. Such presentations were made the 
occasion of public gatherings — the fact in itself indicates an in- 
teresting intellectual and social condition. 

INDUSTKIAL. EDUCATION 

In the sixteenth century, in Mexico, Pedro de Gante, in his 
work for Indians, developed a genuine industrial school — too 
often considered one of the late developments of the new educa- 
tion — ^in the City of Mexico. 

Pedro de Gante was really a remarkable man. He was blood- 
relative of the Emperor Charles V. He founded, and for fifty 
years directed, the great school of San Francisco. It stood 
behind the convent church which, by the way, was the first church 



THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 135 

built in Mexico. Icazbalceta says: ''There our lay brother 
brought together fully a thousand boys to whom he imparted 
religious and civil instruction. Later he added the study of 
Latin, of music, and of singing, by which means he did a great 
service to the clergy because from there went forth musicians 
and singers for all the churches. Not satisfied with this achieve- 
ment, he brought together also adults, with whom he established 
an industrial school. He provided the churches with painted or 
sculptured figures ; with embroidered ornaments, sometimes with 
designs interspersed in the feather-work in which the Indians 
were so distinguished ; with crosses, candle-stick, standards, and 
many other objects valuable for church service, no less than with 
workmen for the construction of the churches themselves, for he 
had in that school painters, sculptors, engravers, stone-cutters, 
carpenters, embroiderers, tailors, shoemakers, and other trades- 
workers. He attended to all, and was master of all." 

MEXICO UNDER THE VICEROYS 

But after all, little resulted from this brilliant promise. The 
splendor of the sixteenth century was succeeded by a period of 
stagnation. The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were 
dreary periods in Mexico. From the date of the conquest to the 
success of the independence struggle a long list of viceroys ruled 
— ^more than sixty of them — few of whom were above mediocrity. 
There was wealth indeed, much formality, and a certain luxury. 
But of real advancement there was none. The rulers, for the 
most part, were adventurers, of good families, who must be pro- 
vided for. They came poor, they went rich. The salary for a 
long period for the viceroy was $40,000 per year; from 1689 
onward it was raised to $70,000. The actual salary, however, 
was a relatively unimportant matter. The opportunities for a 
bad ruler to gain wealth were great. Some of these methods 
were quite legitimate; many of them were far from being so, 
and corruption was rampant. 



136 



THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood 

OLD BRIDGE, AMATLAW. 



THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 



137 




Copyrlglited by Underwood and Untlerwood 

FOUNTAIN, MEXICO CITY. 



138 THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 

MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT 

It is a mistake to think of Mexico during the viceroyalty as 
undeveloped. It is true, as we shall shortly see, that advance in 
many lines was discouraged or prevented. But there were many 
great estates. There were men who had lands upon which were 
thousands of tenants almost in the position of serfs. There were 
great mining enterprises, employing thousands of workers and 
producing enormous wealth. Every city had well-built, substan- 
tial, and expensive public buildings. Churches, cathedrals, and 
monasteries abounded; they presented a type of architecture 
largely developed within the country itself, but in construction, 
decoration, and extravagance they were notable. Good roads 
existed in many portions of the country, some of them well paved 
with stone. Great public works, like aqueducts for bringing 
water from the mountains across miles of intervening country 
to the cities were constructed, some of which still remain, in part 
or whole, to tell the story of the constructive skill of the workers 
of the time. The great tunnel cut of Nochistongo still remains to 
show the magnificence of public works undertaken for the gen- 
eral welfare. Intended to defend the city against risk of flood- 
ing, the great tunnel, representing many years of work, much 
money, and a frightful death-list among the workers, was an 
interesting early experiment in drainage. 

Spain's policy 

The fact was, that very soon after the establishment of the 
colony of Mexico, or New Spain, as it was called, it was con- 
ducted solely with the interests of the mother-country in view. 
Spain's idea of colonization was to get all the wealth possible 
from her possessions. Wealth was drained from Mexico to 
Spain. Only those things were encouraged in the way of enter- 
prise which produced an immediate value to be transported to 
the home-land. Mining of course did this, and mining was the 
chief industry throughout the period of the viceroys. On the 
other hand, the production of anything which was already pro- 



THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 139 

duced on a large scale in Spain itself was discouraged in New 
Spain. Olives would have flourished in Mexico, but the raising 
of olives would have prevented the introduction of oil from 
Spain ; vineyards might have been developed on a large scale in 
the new country, but Spain already produced wines beyond her 
needs, and needed a field for exportation; silk probably could 
have been easily produced in Mexico, but silk again, was a 
Spanish product. So production in many promising lines was 
prohibited in Mexico for fear of its interfering with Spain's 
exports. 

In the same way, and for the same reason, there was no 
encouragement of discovery, invention, or manufacture in the 
new world. All progress in those directions was frowned upon 
or actually prevented. With abundant and numerous natural 
water-powers, no development was tolerated, and the oppor- 
tunity for useful employment of hundreds of thousands of 
workers was absolutely closed. 

Not only so, but rigid laws regarding trade were put in opera- 
tion. Trade was permitted only with the mother-country, and 
Spanish vessels only were allowed to carry exports and imports. 
Elsewhere in our discussion we shall find that there were trade 
relations between Mexico and the Orient. These relations, how- 
ever, were not independent ; they were in the hands of Spaniards, 
conducted by means of Spanish galleons, and for the benefit of 
Spain. Only incidentally were they advantageous to the colony. 

DISCEIMIlSrATION AGAINST CEEOLES 

Not only was the viceroyalty considered an opportunity for 
providing for needy Spaniards— every position in government 
and church was considered as an advantage for Spaniards only. 
This was most literally enforced; Spaniards meant ''penin- 
sulars." Creoles, the children of Spaniards born in Mexico, 
though of pure Spanish blood, were not considered fit for offices 
or positions of trust and importance in their own country. This 
discrimination against Creoles was one of the sore spots in the 
whole history of Mexico under the \dceroys. That persons of 
pure Spanish blood, descended from immigrants of good stand- 



140 THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 

ing, irrespective of their inherited qualities, should be deprived 
of opportunity was galling. Yet through the three centuries of 
Spain's control this discrimination was constant. It showed 
itself in state and church. Augustin Rivera presents interesting 
statistics. He says that out of the sixty-two viceroys of Mexico, 
fifty-nine were Spaniards from the peninsula, and only three 
were Creoles — of these three one only was born in Mexico ; out 
of thirty-three bishops of Guadalajara, twenty- six were Spanish 
peninsulars and seven were Creoles — five of them Mexicans ; out 
of thirty-four bishops of Michoacan, thirty were Spanish penin- 
sulars, and four were Creoles — two only Mexicans ; out of thirty- 
one archbishops of Mexico, twenty-nine were Spanish penin- 
sulars, and two were Creoles. 

EDUCATION NEGLECTED 

While the University of Mexico was founded in 1553 under 
such excellent auspices and with such promise, while printing 
presses did great work in the sixteenth century, while public 
literary controversies suggest an interesting intellectual condi- 
tion, and while Pedro de Gante's industrial school was attended 
by many hundreds — education was not encouraged by Spain in 
Mexico. No. This promise, so brilliant, disappeared. During 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Mexican education was 
poor in quality, meagre in amount. It was blindly realized that 
it would not help the mother-country to have higher education 
thoroughly developed among Creoles, mestizos and Indians. At 
the same time it must be admitted that education in the mother- 
country also languished during this period. 

EELIGIOUS SITUATION 

The splendid record of the early missionaries was not con- 
tinued, unfortunately, by their successors. Success in propa- 
ganda led to pride and luxury. Had the priests failed to take 
advantage of the exceptional opportunities which they enjoyed, 
they would have been both less and more than human. They 
were in contact with a people who, throughout their history, sac- 



THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 141 

rificed themselves and all they had to the demands of religion. 
Subservient, superstitious, devout, and enthusiastic, the Indian 
converts were easily led and easily controlled. The condition of 
the church during the last portion of the vice-royal period left 
much to be desired. In fact, it was one of the great causes for 
complaint. 

A well known writer says : "In the seventeenth century, the 
beneficial influence of the religious orders began to wane. They 
had grown rich and worldly; the Carmelites, who had come to 
Mexico as late as 1585, had become so wealthy that they owned 
estates in the province of San Luis Potosi, one hundred leagues 
in extent, reaching from the city of that name to Tampico. The 
protection of the Indians from the aggression of the colonists 
previously afforded by the Orders, was greatly relaxed. It is 
not without significance that one great source of the church's 
wealth during this period was found in the opulent colonists, 
who, by their munificent gifts to the church, were able to acquire 
an ascendency over the ecclesiastical authorities and maintain 
it ready for use whenever an emergency arose, rendering it 
serviceable. . . . So it came about most naturally that the 
influence of the religious orders proved exceedingly harmful dur- 
ing the last of the three centuries of Spanish rule in Mexico. The 
Dominicans, who had all along been a dominating power, had, 
by the exercise of the functions of the Holy Of&ce, engendered 
a deep feeling of hatred for the religious government, and this 
hatred reacted upon the political government so closely con- 
nected with it. The Dominicans alone might be said to have 
furnished a powerful cause for the overthrow of Spanish rule, 
at the very time when they were laboring hardest to uphold it as 
it manifested signs of tottering. And all the orders — ^by seizing 
and holding vast amounts of property, by building churches and 
monasteries in times when the people were suffering the most 
abject poverty, and by enforcing the law of tithes, thus gaining 
control of wealth which should have been applied in encouraging 
industry and relieving the needs of the people — conspired to 



142 THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 

stimulate the popular discontent which finally broke out into 
open revolt." 

VASSALAGE AND SLAVEEY 

Under the circumstances, only a certain kind of agriculture 
and the industry of mining had a chance for development. In 
the very nature of things, both of these led naturally to vassalage 
and slavery. The only form of agriculture profitable was that 
of large estates upon which great numbers of laborers were 
maintained at the least possible cost. The pattern for such con- 
ditions of course already existed in those of Europe at the time ; 
even if it had not, such estates would have developed naturally 
in the New World. Such conditions of course prevailed upon 
the great estates belonging to the church. Such at first grew up 
in the most natural and legitimate fashion. The newly con- 
verted Indians were completely under the influence of their 
religious teachers. They flocked in droves to their teachers 
and settled immediately about the monastery. Under the direc- 
tion of the friars they learned arts and trades, constructed build- 
ings, worked the fields. At first the relation was a happy and 
helpful one, and the kindest spirit existed between the friars and 
their Indians. With the development of wealth and luxury within 
the Orders, this relation naturally changed, and toward the 
end, the condition of the laborers upon the religious estates was 
that of serfs. What was true upon the properties belonging to 
the church was still more true, and earlier, in individual holdings 
in the country. There, usually there was no pretense of instruct- 
ing or improving the laborers upon the property. They were 
supported, but received practically no wages; they built their 
little houses upon the property of their master, and received 
from his hand their scanty clothing and their necessary food. 
They were not actually owned by the owner of the estate, and 
perhaps were free to leave the property. If they did so, however, 
there was nothing they could do save to connect themselves with 
some new master upon some similar estate. 

As for the labor in the mines, it still more nearly approxi- 



THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 143 

mated the conditions of actual slavery. Mining is hard work; 
unless well paid, it presents little attraction to the worker; 
Indians particularly — always accustomed to a simple out-door 
life of agriculture — were little likely to go to mining from free 
choice. Under the conditions of the viceroyalty, forced labor 
became a necessity if precious metals were to be produced. Thus, 
through the system of agriculture and the development of min- 
ing, the Indians and the common people of mixed blood were, 
for the most part, at the end of the eighteenth century and the 
beginning of the nineteenth, in a state of peonage or actual 
slavery. 

MAKE-UP OF POPULATION 

Such were the conditions of Mexico after almost three 
hundred years of Spanish rule. At the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century, there were perhaps something more than six 
million in the population. In the year 1793, the viceroy estimated 
the make-up of the population of the country as follows : Out 
of a total of something over five million people, there were ten 
thousand Europeans, nearly seven hundred thousand Creoles, 
one million five hundred thousand mestizos, or people of mixed 
blood, and two million two hundred and twenty-five thousand 
Indians. 



144 THE GLORIOUS CENTURY— AND AFTER 




Ci.pyiigiilta by Uuueivvuoa and I'mlervvoud 

FALLS OF JUANAGATLAN. 



A VILLAGE PRIEST 




A 



TROUBLES IN SPAIN COMPLAINTS OF THE COLONISTS THE FIRST 

MARTYR, VERDAD CURA HIDALGO THE CRY OF INDEPENDENCE- 
CAPTURE OF GUANAJUATO CONDITIONS IN THE CAPITAL THE 

BATTLE OP LAS CRUCES HIDALGO FLEES TO GUADALAJARA — 

PUNISHMENT OF GUANAJUATO THE NEW GOVERNMENT — -.THE 

BATTLE AT THE BRIDGE THE END OF HIDALGO 's REVOLUTION — 

MEXICAN CRUELTY, 

LEXANDER HUMBOLDT 

in his great work, ^'The 
Political History of New 
Spain," in 1803, asserted that 
the great majority of Mexicans 
were entirely indifferent to their 
political rights, and not likely to 
join in any effort to gain them. 
Not that the yoke of Spain was 
pleasant; but among the people 
there were few, if any, who were 
fit for leadership, or who clearly 
saw a method of escape from 
tyranny. 



TROUBLES IN SPAIN 



APODACA. 



In 1808 the viceroy was Jose 
Iturrigaray. He was by no means a bad ruler. He encouraged 
progress and held advanced ideas. The moment was a difficult 
one. Spain was suffering humiliation. The great Napoleon 
was casting longing eyes upon the peninsular kingdom. Through 
his meddling, the Spanish king, Carlos IV, had resigned his 
throne, and his son, the Prince of Asturias, had ascended to the 
kingship, under the name of Ferdinand VII. Napoleon encour- 
aged dissension between father* and son, and finally, under 
pretense of arbitrating difficulties, persuaded Ferdinand to come 

145 



146 A VILLAGE PRIEST 

to Bayonne, where he was thrown into prison. A proclamation 
issued, apparently under stress, by Ferdinand VII, urged the 
people to submit to Napoleon's schemes. But the nation was 
aroused, and loyalty to the imprisoned king led to the formation, 
in different parts of Spain, of juntas which assumed local and 
temporary governmental ruling in his name. To further his 
own schemes. Napoleon sent emissaries to the colonies in order 
to stir up sedition and gain favor for his cause. He finally 
occupied Spain, and his brother, Joseph Bonaparte, ruled as 
king for the period which ended in 1813. 

COMPLAINTS OF THE COLONISTS 

Naturally Mexico felt the effect of these Spanish difficulties. 
Three elements of the population should be carefully distin- 
guished in dealing with the events of the time : The Audiencia, 
or local government, conservative and despotic, was confined 
completely to non-progressive platforms and with it were the 
Spaniards sent from the peninsula as officials, or who had come 
on their own account as adventurers. The Creoles, of pure 
Spanish blood but born in Mexico, were the discontented class ; 
they were treated as inferiors and were refused all appointments 
of trust and honor in church and state ; they were repressed in 
every laudable effort to develop and advance the country. It 
was from this class, and this class only, that hostility to Spain 
was to be expected. The great mass of the people, Indians and 
mixed bloods were, as Humboldt said, indifferent to their politi- 
cal rights. On the whole, there was not in Mexico serious opposi- 
tion displayed to Spain as such, nor to Ferdinand as ruler. It 
was realized, however, that it was impossible for Mexico to be 
satisfactorily governed by petty and local juntas in Spain. These 
juntas were loyal to the legitimate ruler of the country. But if 
that kind of government were to exist, it would be better to have 
a local junta in Mexico, recognizing Ferdinand VII as king, but 
dealing directly with the affairs of the country. This idea was in 
harmony with the aspirations of the Creoles, and it had the 
approval of the viceroy. It would have been a step forward in 



A VILLAGE PRIEST 147 

the direction of good government. But the Audiencia and the 
Spaniards were vigorously against the plan. They declared that 
the viceroy was seeking to establish himself in power ; that the 
movement was aimed against the king. Iturrigaray was seized, 
compelled to leave the city, imprisoned for a time in San Juan 
Ulua, and at last sent as a prisoner to Spain. 

THE FIEST MARTYR ^VEEDAD ' 

The reactionaries put an old soldier, Pedro Garibay, into the 
position of viceroy. He did not hold office for long, being removed 
by the regency of Cadiz. During his administration, however, 
one event of serious interest took place. Among the dissatisfied 
and thinking Creoles was a licenciado, named Verdad. He was 
outspoken in his hostility to the Spaniards and their control ; he 
indulged in writing sharp and sarcastic criticisms. He was 
accused of treason, seized, and hung. He was the first martyr to 
the new cause. 

When Garibay was removed, the Archbishop of Mexico, 
Francisco Javier Lizana, was appointed viceroy. This was in 
1809. The Archbishop was a man of ideas and acted with some 
vigor. He raised a loan of 3,000,000 pesos, of which 2,000,000 
was sent to the mother-country; he organized a militia and 
ordered considerable purchases of arms ; he embargoed the goods 
of prominent Mexicans who were Bonapartist sympathizers ; he 
publicly burned one of the seditious proclamations of Napoleon 
Bonaparte ; learning of a conspiracy hatching at Valladohd, he 
promptly took steps for its suppression. But the influences at 
Cadiz were against him, and in 1810 he was succeeded by Pedro 
Catani. A little later in the same year, a new viceroy arrived in 
Mexico, taking office September 14, 1810. His name was Fran- 
cisco Javier Venegas. 

CURA HIDALGO 

The hero of Mexico's revolution is the simple village priest, 
Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla. He was bom at Cuitzeo, Guanajuato, 
on May 8, 1753. He studied at Valladolid (now known by the 



148 



A VILLAGE PRIEST 



name Morelia). He was educated in the famous old school of 
San Nicolas de Valladolld, of which institution he became rector. 
In 1779 he took sacred orders at the City of Mexico. He was 
appointed to various parishes, and in 1810 was parish priest at 
the village of Dolores, in the State of Guanajuato not far from the 
capital city of the same 
name. He was a man of 
considerable ability. He 
knew French, at that time 
a less common accomplish- 
ment in Mexico than at 
present, and was inter- 
ested in agriculture and 
in industrial development. 
He encouraged his people 
in habits of industry and 
succeeded in developing 
extensive vineyards, the 
raising of silk-worms, and 
the making of potter}^ 
among his parishioners. 
Such development, how- 
ever, was not in accord- 
ance with the ideas of the 
Spanish rulers. His vine- 
yards had been destroyed, 
and his other enterprises 
hampered by their hos- 
tility. 

Perhaps these interferences with his legitimate enterprises 
had a part in strengthening his hostility to the existing policies. 
However that may be, he was interested in conspiring against 
the government. The conspiracy was not confined to him nor to 
his immediate neighborhood. Plans had been maturing in vari- 
ous towns, and many were interested in them. It was the pre- 




MAEIA JOSEFA ORTIZ. 



A VILLAGE PRIEST I49 

mature discovery in Queretaro of these conspiracies that precipi- 
tated the revolution before plans were ripe. At Queretaro the 
corregidor, Miguel Dominguez, had been the leader of the move- 
ment. Upon learning of the plotting, the government ordered 
the seizure of the conspirators everywhere. Learning that he 
was certain to be seized, if he delayed, Hidalgo late on the night 
of September 15— at 11 P. M. indeed— gave the famous grito de 
Dolores. 

THE CEY OF INDEPENDENCE 

It was the cry of independence. With him at the moment were 
his brother, Mariano, Jose Santos Villa, Aldama, and Allende, 
and ten armed men. Two of these men are notably famous 
in the list of Mexican heroes— Aldama and Allende. Allende 
particularly was a man of weight. He was born at San Miguel 
Grande, January 20, 1779. He was rich and of good family and 
was trained for the profession of arms, becoming captain of the 
Queen's dragoons. Creole, cultured, and ambitious, he natur- 
ally found the limitations to which he was subjected, galling, and 
early became interested in the conspiracies. He was frequently 
in the councils of the plotters, both at San Miguel and Queretaro. 

The grito given, the little band of fifteen men, all armed, went 
to the village jail, where they released the prisoners and supplied 
them with swords. They then went to the parish church where 
people began assembling, news of the rising spreading rapidly. 
By dawn of the 16th, a great crowd was assembled, under the 
orders of the beloved priest. 

The crowd proceeded to the important city of San Miguel 
Grande, where they arrived at night. Allende there joined them, 
bringing over with him as an aid to the revolt the Queen's Regi- 
ment of which he was in command. They proceeded to organize 
the army. Hidalgo was made General of the forces, Allende, 
Lieutenant-General. The newly formed army marched to 
Celaya, where their numbers were increased to fully fifty thou- 
sand men. 



150 A VILLAGE PRIEST 

CAPTUKE OP GUANAJUATO 

Proceeding to the city of Guanajuato, on the 25th of the 
month they demanded its surrender. The demand was refused. 
The city officials, together with the Spaniards of the city, took 
refuge in the Castillo de Granaditas, carrying great treasure 
with them. Several assaults were made by the insurgent force 
against the building without result. Finally, however, it was 
captured, and all the people who had taken refuge in it were 
massacred. The city was panic-stricken. The revolutionary, 
forces, without training and discipline, went completely beyond 
the control of their leaders. Looting, arson, and murder took 
place. When, finally, order was restored, Hidalgo proceeded to 
organize a local government; he established a cannon-foundry; 
a mint was instituted, and coins issued for the new government. 
On Oct. 10, the insurrectionists set out for the city of Valladolid, 
where they arrived on the night of the 17th. There the army 
was completely reorganized, supplies were secured, and prepara- 
tions made for an advance movement upon the City of Mexico. 
When all was ready, the army of the revolution set out upon the 
main road, which coincided with the present line of the Mexican 
National Eailway. When it reached Monte de las Cruces, 100,000 
men were in line. 

CONDITIONS IN THE CAPITAL 

The new viceroy, Venegas, had meantime been active. Acting 
on his orders, the bishops and Holy Office excommunicated 
Hidalgo and his companions. Friars preached sermons against 
the popular movement. There was panic and terror in the city. 
Citizens were fleeing to other places, treasure was being con- 
cealed, preparations were being made for defense. A well 
trained army of 3,000 under Trujillo was sent against the rebels 
in hope of staying their forward progress. On October 30th a 
terrible battle took place, known in history as the Battle of Las 
Cruces. 



A VILLAGE PRIEST 151 

THE BATTLE OF LAS CETJCES 

It was the pitting of trained troops, supplied with artillery, 
against an enormous multitude of undisciplined men with motley 
equipment. The result of the battle was that the army of the 
viceroy was wiped out of existence ; Trujillo himself, one major, 
and a cornet escaped. If Hidalgo had been a soldier and pushed 
on immediately after this victory, it is probable that the revolu- 
tion would have been successful. At the moment Mexico was abso- 
lutely undefended, and no force could have been put into the field 
against him. He tarried, however, at the field of victory and then 
ordered a retreat. No one knows why the priest-general made 
such a blunder from the military point of view. It is possible 
that he feared the horrors which would certainly occur if his 
unruly mob were once in possession of the wealthy capital. His 
retreat caused dissatisfaction among his people. Many deserted. 
With the remainder he started toward the north, and at Aculco, 
unexpectedly, met with a Spanish force which had been organ- 
ized in the interior of the country. In the battle which ensued, 
the revolutionists were defeated and dispersed. Allende and his 
aids found their way to Guanajuato. Hidalgo reached Valladolid. 

HIDALGO FLEES TO GUADALAJARA 

In Valladolid it was learned that Jose Antonio Torres had 
seized Guadalajara, the Spanish authorities fleeing from the city. 
Hidalgo succeeded in gathering about seven thousand new 
recruits, and went to Guadalajara, where he arrived November 
26th. In Guanajuato, Allende had made efforts to prepare him- 
self to meet Felix Maria Calleja, who was approaching from the 
City of Mexico with a well organized force. As there was no hope 
of assistance from Hidalgo, after some resistance, Allende 
evacuated toward the north, soon turning west, and reaching 
Guadalajara on December 12th. 

PUNISHMENT OP GUANAJUATO 

Calleja occupied Guanajuato, and as a punishment to the city 
for having failed to defend itself against the revolutionists, and 



152 A VILLAGE PRIEST 

for harboring them after their defeat at Aculco, was permitting 
the most hideous pillage. It is said that, in his official report he 
boasted, by cutting the throats of the inhabitants of the city, he 
had saved the Government expense in powder and shot. It is 
claimed that 14,000 persons were ''put to the knife." In the 
midst of this hideous slaughter, it is said that a bold priest, 
Belaunzaran, personally remonstrated with the Spanish leader; 
his intervention was effective, and the pillage checked; but some- 
thing more than fifty Mexicans were apprehended and shot as a 
final warning. Yalladolid also was occupied by royalist forces 
and the whole revolutionary movement was thus centered and 
isolated in Guadalajara. 

THE NEW GOVBEISTMENT 

In that city, meantime, Hidalgo was organizing a govern- 
ment. He assumed the title Generalissimo; he appointed two 
ministers of Government — one at the head of a Department of 
Grace and Justice, the other at the head of a Department of State 
and Business. He sent a commissioner to the United States to 
announce the organization of the new government and to ask for 
sympathy and recognition. He declared slavery abolished, 
removed the stamp tax, and prepared an army to withstand the 
attack which was now threatening. 

THE BATTLE AT THE BRIDGE 

Calleja, with his force greatly strengthened and well organ- 
ized, was indeed upon his way to Guadalajara. Abasolo and 
Allende, informed of his coming, selected as their place for 
defense, the Puente de Calderon. There they had assembled 
100,000 men with ninety-five pieces of artillery. Calleja 's force 
amounted to only from six thousand to ten thousand men, but 
they were well disciplined and well equipped. The battle at the 
bridge was fought bitterly ; three times it looked as if the inde- 
pendent forces would win the day; but finally the effect of disci- 
pline was evident, and the revolutionists met with a complete 
defeat ; the insurgent army was dispersed, and fled in every direc- 



A VILLAGE PRIEST I53 

tion. This decisive battle— final indeed— took place upon, the 17th 
of January, 1811. 

THE END OF hidalgo's KEVOLUTION 

Hidalgo himself fled to Aguas Calientes, where he united with 
Iriarte. Together they retreated to Zacatecas. Allende, Arias, 
and others, following, deposed Hidalgo from office, and all of 
them together started for the United States where it was their 
purpose to prepare for future operations and return. They 
almost succeeded in reaching the national border. In the 
Coahuila desert, however, they were surprised by royalists under 
Elizardo ; the chiefs were captured and taken to Las Norias de 
Bajan on the 21st of March. Bound and carefully guarded, they 
were taken to Monclova. Sent to- Chihuahua, they were tried 
and sentenced to be shot. Execution was carried out upon all of 
them, Hidalgo himself being executed at the end of July. The 
heads of the four patriots, Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and 
Jimenez, were cut off and placed in iron cages at the four corners 
of the Castillo de Granaditas, in Guanajuato, the building which 
Hidalgo had captured at the beginning of the insurrection. The 
ghastly trophies remained there until the final success of the 
revolution in 1821, ten years later. In 1823 the bodies of the 
heroes were unearthed and buried with ceremony in the great 
cathedral in the City of Mexico. 

MEXICAlsr ckuelty 

Thus ended the first attempt. It seemed as if the revolution- 
ary movement had completely failed. It was a desperate attempt. 
This first struggle was marred on both sides by hideous cruelty. 
Cruelty indeed is inherent in the Mexican character. What more 
could be expected? The Aztec Indian was cruel, the Spaniard 
was cruel. The mixture of the two bloods could not hope to escape 
the inheritance of this quality. A prominent writer of the pres- 
ent-day Mexico, Julio Guerrero, speaks of the marked cruelty 
of his people. He looks upon the quality as the result of 
degeneration, and speaks of it as the ferocious tendencies of the 



154 A VILLAGE PRIEST 

Aztecs reappearing atavistically. It is far simpler to consider 
it as Aztec cruelty continued, reinforced by Spanish cruelty, 
even more terrible because more refined. It is worth while to 
quote the Mexican writer, although what he says is very sad: 
** After ten generations, there has returned to beat within the 
breasts of some of our patriots the barbaric soul of the worship- 
ers of Huitzilopochtl, of those of the sacred spring-time who 
went to the lugubrious sounds of the teponastl to razzias of 
prisoners in Tlaxcala and Huejotzinco, to open their breasts with 
obsidian knives, to tear out the heart and eat it in the holocaust of 
their gods. Three centuries of masses and of barracks have 
been too little for the complete evolution of character among the 
people; and if, on the Silesian plain, the Sarmatian of Attila 
appears, so too in our political struggle there has reappeared, 
with the indomitable warrior of Ahuitzotl, the sanguinary priest 
of Huitzilopochtl. 

** There is, in fact, nothing in our independent history more 
lugubrious ; even the most illustrious leaders have stained their 
glory by the needless shedding of blood. The burning of vil- 
lages and executions en masse present themselves at the turning 
of every page like the funeral refrain of an infernal poem ; and, 
if it be true that there are not lacking some superior souls — as 
Don Nicolas Bravo, who set at liberty 300 Spanish prisoners, 
although he knew the Spanish leader had just shot his father — • 
many other leaders of that and later epochs systematically exe- 
cuted all who fell into their hands. The system was converted 
into a custom and gave such an impress of barbarity to our politi- 
cal struggles as is not to be found even in negro Africa, since 
their war prisoners are held as captives whose ransom is the 
motive of war ; slavery redeems them from death. 

' ' In Mexico, on the contrary, frequently no account was made 
of prisoners, but only of the killed and wounded, and the latter 
were shot or knifed in spite of the severity of their wounds. 
Hidalgo himself not only ordered that those taken in battle 
should be killed without fail, b:--t in Guadalajara and Valladolid 
ordered the seizure of suspects and caused them to be stabbed at 



A VILLAGE PRIEST 155 

night, in remote places, that they might not, by their cries, cause 
a disturbance. In this way 600 innocent persons perished ; and 
he advised the leader, Hermosillo, to do the same in El Rosario 
and Cosala. Morelos, after the battles of Chilapa, Izucar, Oax- 
aca, etc., shot all his prisoners without mercy ; and Osorio did the 
same in the valley of Mexico, Garcia in Bajio and all the other 
insurgent leaders, though usually in the way of reprisal. ' ' 

The name of Hidalgo is the most widely known of any name in 
Mexico. He is always mentioned as the Cura Hidalgo. He seems 
to have made a deeper impression as a religious leader in his lit- 
tle parish, teaching the people industry, cultivating vineyards, 
and rearing silk-worms, than as the generalissimo of the liberat- 
ing forces. His picture is seen upon the walls of schoolrooms 
and municipal houses in the most remote mountain districts of 
Indian Mexico. 



156 



A VILLAGE PRIEST 




STRUGGLE AND VICTORY 



THE SECOND PERIOD ; MORELOS CONGRESS ORGANIZED FATE OF MATA- 

MORAS ITURBIDE, THE TERRIBLE THE THIRD PERIOD MINA 

THE FINAL STAGE; GUERRERO DEFECTION OF ITURBIDE SUCCESS 

OF THE REVOLUTION 

THE first period of the revolution ended in defeat. It ^'s 
summed up in the name of Hidalgo. 

The second period of the struggle is also summed up in a 
single name. That name too is the name of a village priest — 
Morelos. While the Hidalgo struggle was a failure, the spark 
of revolution was not abso- 
lutely extinguished. Ig- 
nacio Rayon had been left 
in command at Saltillo with 
a few troops by AUende. 
He marched against a 
Spanish force under Ochoa, 
which was on its way to at- 
tack him, defeated it, and 
took Zacatecas. He then 
marched to Zitacuaro, 
where he formed a junta, 
or governing committee, 
consisting of three persons. 
Rayon himself was at the 
head of this junta, the 
other two members of 
which were Jose Maria 
Liceaga and the priest, 
Jose Maria Morelos y 
Pavon. 

Jose Maria Morelos y 

Pavon was born at Valla- 

dolid — the city which now 

bears the name Morelia in 

-September 30, 1765. His parents were too poor to 

157 




JOSE MAEIA MOEELOS. 



liis honor- 



158 STRUGGLE AND VICTORY 

give the boy an opportunity of education. He early went to 
work as an arriero or muleteer. At the age of thirty he took to 
studying, attending the famous Academy of San Nicolas, in Val- 
ladolid, of which Hidalgo was rector at the time. He proved a 
remarkable student and became a priest, holding various 
charges. Authorized by Hidalgo to do so, he went to Acapulco, 
after he had joined the insurgent force in 1810. In December, 
1811, after the total failure of the Hidalgo-Allende campaigns, 
Morelos kept on fighting and met with several notable successes. 
On January 22, 1812, he totally defeated Porier, who had 
attacked him, and took away his artillery and ammunition. By 
his successes, the entire stretch of country in the west, extend- 
ing from Acapulco to Cuauhtla, was cleared of Spanish forces. 
At Cuauhtla there took place a military event in which Mexico 
has justly taken pride. Morelos and his forces were besieged 
there by 600 Spanish soldiers under Calleja. The siege lasted 
for sixty-two days during which there was vigorous fighting 
on many occasions. At the end of that time Morelos was forced 
to evacuate the city with his troops by night. He succeeded in 
doing so successfully and with the patriot force withdrew south- 
ward, making a stand at Tehuacan. Although forced to with- 
draw, the whole Cuauhtla incident shows Morelos to have been 
a military man of no mean ability. He attacked the city of 
Orizaba, and after a desperate battle at close quarters, lasting 
hours, in the very streets of the city, he gained a victory, seiz- 
ing six cannons and much ammunition. On his way back to 
Tehuacan, he was surprised upon the heights of Acultzingo, and 
his forces thrown into disorder. He succeeded, however, in 
rallying his soldiers, and regained Tehuacan. From there, late 
in November, he marched southward and carried the city of 
Oaxaca by iassault. 

CONGKESS OKGANIZED 

Just as Hidalgo, in the moment of victory, issued orders of 
retreat, instead of pressing forward, so Morelos, when he might 
have been expected to make Oaxaca the point from which to con- 



STRUGGLE AND VICTORY 159 

duct an aggressive campaign toward the center, turned aside to 
gain a trivial advantage. He marched his force across the coun- 
try to Acapulco which he besieged and captured August 25, 1813. 
It was not worth the candle. On September 14, he summoned 
the first national congress at Chilpantzingo. This body included 
several men of note. Ignacio Rayon, Quintana Roo, and Carlos 
Bustamante were among them. The congress drew up a declara- 
tion of independence and appointed Morelos general of the inde- 
pendent forces. This congress had a difficult and stormy career. 
At the time it was organized, it was intended that the seat of the 
new government should be Valladolid. The army was organized 
and took its way toward the city which was to be the capital. It 
arrived within sight of Valladolid, indeed, on December 22, 1813 ; 
but was terribly defeated by the royalist forces led by Iturbide. 
After that the congress held meetings wherever possible — at 
Acapulco, Apatzingan, Uruapan, Tehuacan. 

FALL OF MATAMOEAS 

The success of Morelos had called forth many men whose 
names as patriots became famous. Among them were, Mariano 
Matamoras, Vicente Guerrero, Nicolas Bravo, Guadalupe Vic- 
toria — and many others. Matamoras, also a priest, after deeds 
of striking bravery, was captured and shot at Valladolid in 
August, 1814. Morelos himself, after his brilliant successes and 
patriotic services, was captured after a frightful defeat on 
November 5, 1815, and was shot December 21. With his death 
the second struggle of the revolution came to an end. Upon the 
royalist side during this period the two great names were Cal- 
leja, already famous as the victor in the Hidalgo-Allende con- 
test, and Iturbide. 

ITUKBIDE, THE TEKRIBLE 

Augustin de Iturbide was born in the city of Valladolid, Sep- 
tember 26, 1783. Son of Spanish parents, but born in Mexico, his 
natural affiliations should have been creole, and his sympathies 
with the independent struggle. Such, however, was not the case. 



160 



STRUGGLE AND VICTORY 




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STRUGGLE AND VICTORY ' 161 

Before lie was sixteen years of age, he was already an official in 
the local militia. At the end of 1808, almost two years before 
Hidalgo gave the grito of independence, Iturbide had already 
pronounced against the independent movement and threw his 
whole strength against it. He was brave, a good soldier, but a 
man of notable cruelty. He became conspicuous as a leader of 
the royalist forces during the period of Morelos. It was he who 
gave the dreadful check to the independent forces when they 
made their effort to enter Valladolid to make it their capital. 

THE THIED PEEIOD 

To all appearance, the revolutionary movement was ended. 
In 1816, on September 19th, Juan Euiz de Apodaca became vice- 
roy. He adopted a policy of conciliation. He offered amnesty 
to those who had been revolutionists, and the offer was accepted 
by many insurgent leaders. One or two irreconcilables, like 
Guadalupe Victoria, took refuge in the mountains and made no 
show of continuing the struggle. The whole of what may be 
called the third period of the revolution was a brilliant dash 
from the outside. It is summed up in one man's name — Mina. 

MINA 

Francisco Javier Mina was born in Navarra, Spain, in Decem- 
ber, 1789. As a Spanish patriot, he fought against Napoleon. 
When, finally, the Napoleonic experiment in Spain came to an 
end, and Ferdinand VII was again in power, Mina could not 
endure the tyranny of his king, and attempted a revolution. His 
effort failed, and he himself was forced to flee to England. In 
London he met with Padre Mier and other Mexican fugitives. 
With them he fell to plotting and arranged an expedition for 
Mexican independence. It was a brilliant dash, and for a moment 
gave promise. An entrance was actually made; sharp battles 
took place ; the fort of Sombrero was captured, and considerable 
concern was caused to the royalist government. But there was 
no rallying to the support of the bold leader. His effort failed. 
Mina was taken prisoner and shot. The capital city was illumi- 



162 STRUGGLE AND VICTORY 

nated, and the cliurch bells rang in celebration of the victory. 
On account of his glorious success, the viceroy was made Count 
of Venadito. 

THE FINAL STAGE GUERKEKO 

But the darkest hour is just before the dawn. The fourth 
period of- the revolutionary struggle is summed up in the name of 
Vicente Guerrero. He was born in Tixtla, about 1783. He was 
of humble birth. Like Morelos he was at first an arriero. Like 
Morelos, too, he joined the revolutionary movement in its first 
stage, in 1810. In 1811 he fought under Morelos. The Mexicans 
say of him that he was a thousand times defeated, a thousand 
times conqueror ; his body was full of wounds ; he was indomita- 
ble. When many of the leaders accepted the amnesty offered by 
the viceroy Apodaca he, like Guadalupe Victoria, took refuge in 
the mountains. On March 6, 1818, a Spanish leader named 
Aguirre captured the fortress of Jaujilla, where the Mexican 
junta government was then united, and caused it to disperse. 
In September, Guerrero gained two victories over Spanish 
forces, and in October, reunited and protected the government 
junta in Jaujilla and restored the national government. In 1819, 
the insurrection gained new headway and more than twenty vic- 
tories were gained. 

DEFECTION OF ITURBIDE 

Straws indicate the direction of the wind. With the turning 
tide, Iturbide, the great Iturbide, the terrible Iturbide, saw the 
trend of destiny, and determined to throw in his lot with the 
insurgent forces. This was in 1820. A liberal constitution had 
been proclaimed in Spain, and with its proclamation the idea of 
actually separating Mexico from the mother-country became 
quite popular. Iturbide was taken with the notion ; he begged the 
viceroy to place him in command of the forces which, in the south, 
were to fight against Guerrero. He set forth from Mexico in 
November; making his headquarters in Teloloapan, he entered 
into negotiations with Guerrero, which led to an interview 



STRUGGLE AND VICTORY 163 

between the two leaders on January 10, 1821. As the result of 
the conference, Guerrero yielded the entire command to Iturbide. 
A plan of independence was proclaimed in the city of Iguala, on 
February 24, 1821. The defection of Iturbide naturally caused 
a great excitement in the capital city. The viceroy offered him 
pardon, money, a rise in rank, but in vain. He therefore took 
steps for immediate defense. Apodaca was, however, no mili- 
tary man; he was not a favorite with the Spanish forces; the 
garrison revolted, removed Apodaca from the position of vice- 
roy, and appointed Francisco Novella to the position. This he 
held only until the arrival of Juan O'Donoju, who, sent from 
Spain, was the last of the long list of more than sixty viceroys. 
It was too late, however, for any man to stay the tide. The 
revolutionary forces everywhere made advances. A meeting 
between the new viceroy and Iturbide took place at Cordoba. 
At this meeting Mexico was declared sovereign and independent ; 
Ferdinand VII was invited to govern the new country; mean- 
time, a government commission was appointed, of which O'Don- 
oju himself was a member. 

SUCCESS OF THE EEVOLUTION 

Iturbide and the independent forces approached the capital 
city. After some conferences and negotiations, the independent 
army, known as The Army of the Three Guarantees, entered 
Mexico. The three guarantees of this title were religion, union, 
and independence. The national flag symbolizes these three 
guarantees in its three colors— red, white and green. The army 
made a triumphal entry to the city on September 27, 1821, and 
the revolution, inaugurated by the village priest eleven years 
before, had gain its end. It was a long drawn struggle. Its four 
periods are embodied in the names of four heroes. There were 
periods of victory separated by periods of doubt and despair. 
Why was so long a struggle necessary? It was due to the fact 
that there was no unity of blood and sentiment. There was no 
national feeling. It was the struggle of localities, with local 
leaders against a force that was unified and single. 



164 



STRUGGLE AND VICTORY 




PATEIOT AND TRAITOR 



THE EEAL CONDITIONS ITUKBIDE FOR INDEPENDENCE THE THREE 

GUARANTEES TREATY OF CORDOBA TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO 

MEXICO ITURBIDB CROWNED EMPEROR REVOLUTION AGAIN 

DEATH OF ITURBIDE. 

BUT it would be a great mistake to think the victory was 
an absolute triumph of democratic, or republican, prin- 
ciples. Between the grito of Hidalgo and the trigarante 
entry into Mexico eleven years intervened; between the grito 
of Hidalgo and the floating of the tricolor, there was a new 
alignment of forces. In Spain 
Eerdinand VII was again in 
power; he was a reactionary, a 
double-faced, treacherous 
schemer. His conduct had 
aroused against him a current 
of liberal hostility. The people 
of the mother-country were 
striving for greater freedom — 
they were willing to share their 
liberal views with the distant 
colony. But this movement in 
the peninsula was anything but 
welcome to the Spaniards and 
the clergy in New Spain. They 
saw, in continuing Spanish rule 

of this liberal type, only danger Emperor of Mexico. Patriot and traitor 

for their personal and class interests. For them, reactionaries 
as they were, severance from Spain was now desirable. They 
were not, however, moved by democratic principles ; they were 
still Spanish, conservative, aristocratic, and monarchical. They 
even dreamed of summoning Ferdinand VII from Spain to 
Mexico to govern as legitimate ruler over the country. These 
people had no sympathy whatever with the struggle being waged 

165 




AGUSTIN DE ITUEBIDE. 



166 PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 

by Guerrero, Guadalupe Victoria, and Nicolas Bravo. But they 
were willing to utilize the aid of these leaders in severing the 
country from Old Spain. It was this coalition of reactionary 
elements that saw in Iturbide a chance to gain their end. It was 
they who suggested to him the joining with the independents and 
forcing a crisis. 

ITUEBIDE rOR HSTDEPENDENCB 

We have already stated that Iturbide asked the viceroy for 
troops, with which to quell the growing insurrection in the south. 
We have seen that, once in the field with his 2,500 well trained 
soldiers, instead of attacking Guerrero, he held council with 
him, combined forces, and was given control of the entire army. 
It may seem surprising that Guerrero, who was in reality a 
patriot struggling for independence, should have united in a 
movement the avowed end of which was to set Ferdinand VII 
upon a throne in Mexico. There is no doubt that it was fairly 
understood between the leaders that the probability of Ferdi- 
nand VII coming to Mexico was remote. It was one of those 
future contingencies which might be left to take care of 
itself. The matter of pressing momentary importance was the 
freeing of the country from control by Spain itself. Whatever 
influence affected Guerrero, he heartily joined with Iturbide, and 
we have seen the results of their effort. 

THE THEEE GUAEAjSTTEES 

The Three Guarantees were summed up in the words. Reli- 
gion, Independence, Union. It may be as well to say a word 
in regard to each of these. The guarantee with reference to 
religion was that the power of the Roman Catholic Church 
should continue absolute in the republic; other religious forms 
were not to be tolerated ; the liberalizing movements taking place 
in Spain were to be checked in Mexico. The guarantee of inde- 
pendence was merely that New Spain should be separated abso- 
lutely from the mother-country; it was not promised that any 
special form of government should be established, but the plan 



PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 167 

seemed to involve the coming of Ferdinand VII and the estab- 
lishment of a constitutional monarchy. By union was meant 
that all citizens of Mexico should have equal civil rights ; for the 
first time Spaniard, creole, mestizo, and Indian were to be equal 
before the law. 

TREATY OF CORDOBA 

The promulgation of the Plan of Iguala was everywhere 
hailed with enthusiasm; support appeared promptly in all 
quarters; not only Guerrero, but the old stage-horses of the 
independence struggle, like Guadalupe Victoria and Nicolas 
Bravo, together with new heroes, like Santa Anna, promptly 
gave adhesion and were ready to fight for the Three Guarantees. 
As a matter of fact, no fighting was necessary. Apodaca was 
removed from office. When O'Donoju arrived from Spain, he 
saw at once that it was useless to make a stand for the old con- 
ditions, and wisely acquiesced in the condition of things that he 
found in the country. By the Treaty of Cordoba, arranged 
between him and the supporters of the Three Guarantees, it was 
agreed that Mexico should be acknowledged to be independent 
and sovereign; a constitutional and representative monarchy 
should be established with a Bourbon king in power; a pro- 
visional government should be at once organized to hold power 
until a definite form should be developed. 

TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO MEXICO 

It was on the anniversary of his birth, with the completion of 
thirty-nine years of life, that Iturbide entered the capital city in 
great state and was publicly hailed amid rejoicing as the 
' 'Liberator." 

At the moment public opinion was crystallizing, and people 
in politics were falling into three groups. All of them recognized 
the Plan of Iguala and the Treaty of Cordoba as fundamentals. 
The first group, known as Bourbonists, held literally to the two 
documents. This party consisted mainly of the Spaniards. They 
insisted upon the calling of Ferdinand VII and the actual estab- 



168 



PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 




Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwooo 

EL BUEN TONO CIGAEETTE FACTOKY, MEXICO. 



PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 169 

lishment of a monarchy. They were the extremists in one direc- 
tion. On the other side were the republicans. These were those 
who had been fighting for so long for independence. Among 
their leaders were the well known names, Guerrero, Bravo, and 
Guadalupe Victoria. They had been of consequence before, and 
their aid was needed. Now, however, that the separation had 
been made, they were ignored and their claims neglected. They 
of course had hoped for the establishment of a republican 
form of government, totally independent of Spanish influence. 
Between the two were the Iturbidists. Knowing full well that 
there was no probability of Ferdinand's coming from Spain, 
they looked to Iturbide as the man of the hour. For them, 
Mexico indeed was independent, but over the new nation they 
would have an arbitrary leader who should have monarchical 
power. For this ruler they desired Iturbide. 

ITUEBIDE CROWNED EMPEEOR 

The provisional government was used by Iturbide to his 
advantage. The congress which formed part of it consisted in 
large part of republican members. With it Iturbide had his 
troubles. However, on the whole, he so shaped things that, on 
May 18, 1822, in the military barracks a pronouncement took 
place in favor of Iturbide as supreme ruler. In connection with 
this pronouncement, through a manipulated congress, Iturbide 
was declared '^ Emperor of Mexico" by a considerable majority 
of the voting members. As emperor, he assumed the name, or 
title, of Augustin I, and on the 25th of July, he was anointed and 
crowned under that title in the cathedral of the city. 

REVOLUTION AGAIN" 

Iturbide was not a man of strength. Handsome in person, 
wealthy, aristocratic, he was vain, proud, and weak. He was a 
fair soldier, and had shown some ability as a leader in battle; 
he was distinctly cruel. As a ruler he failed to develop strong 
qualities of character. Instead of grappling with important 
problems, he toyed with the trifles and insignificant externals of 



170 PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 

rulersliip. He loved display, form, ceremony. He was arbitrary 
and badly bore opposition. He had been but a short time in 
power, before he dissolved congress, and threw many of the 
deputies into prison. Never having had the strong qualities of 
a leader, it is not strange that he soon faced revolt and insurrec- 
tion. In November outbreaks took place in the northern portions 
of the country ; these were quelled without great difficulty. But 
in December a more serious uprising took place under the young 
leader, Santa Anna, who proclaimed a republic, promised protec- 
tion to the congress which had been dispersed, and vigorously 
prepared to battle with the imperial forces. It was the signal 
for a general rising, and Guadalupe Victoria, Guerrero, Bravo, 
all took the field with forces. 

In February, 1823, the Plan of Casa Mata was issued to the 
nation. It demanded that a new congress, representative in 
character, should be called, and guaranteed a republican form 
of government. Coincident with this plan, much disaffection 
appeared in the imperial army, and defection on a large scale 
threatened. Iturbide recognized the fact that his cause was 
seriously weakened. He hurried to release the deputies whom 
he had thrown into prison, and called congress again to session. 
It was too late, however. The movement against him was serious. 
While ambitious, vain, and weak, Iturbide did not care to pre- 
cipitate a civil war. Accordingly he abdicated on March 20, 
1823. Thus ended the first Mexican empire. 

DEATH" OF ITURBIDE 

Iturbide left the country on May 1, 1823. Had he been wise, 
he would have remained in exile. He decided, however, to return 
to Mexico, and on July 14, 1824, he arrived with his family at 
the port of Soto la Marina. General Garza was at that time in 
command in Tamaulipas. He invited Iturbide to land. The 
ex-Emperor did so, and was received. Only a few moments later, 
however, an officer appeared who told him that he should pre- 
pare to die within two hours, as he was to be shot. As a matter 
of fact, congress had decreed several months previously that, if 



PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 171 

Iturbide should return to Mexico, he should have no legal pro- 
tection for his person. He believed, however, that he would be 
well received, and therefore came back to Mexican soil. The 
congress of Tamaulipas, in extraordinary session deliberated 
upon the matter. After a heated discussion between the members 
of congress and General Garza, it was decided that Iturbide 
should be executed. He was taken from the house where he was 
held prisoner, in Padilla, and was shot on the 19th of July, 1824. 
In his little compendium of Mexican history, Manuel Payno 
says in connection with this incident — "Thus ended the lieu- 
tenant of the Spanish army, the general-in-chief of the army of 
the Three Guarantees, the regent, and the Emperor of Mexico, 
Augustin I." 

There are many in Mexico who still insist that Iturbide was 
a great patriot — who emphasize his claim to the title of 
** Liberator." There are others who speak of him in terms of 
bitterness as a traitor to his country. He is the type of a large 
class in Mexican history. Almost every man whose name stands 
forth conspicuously in their annals presents a mixture of the 
two qualities. They are at once patriot and traitor. In the whole 
history of Mexico we find personal politics instead of politics of 
principles. It is easy for a man of certain qualities to gain a 
following upon almost any platform; the platform is generally 
in its presentation one which appeals to patriotic fervor, and 
which promises advance reforms. But when the leader has his 
party committed to his cause, he forgets his patriotism, his 
promises, his protestations of principles ; he becomes intoxicated 
with power. From then on he attempts to carry things with 
a high hand. Few fail so promptly and so miserably as did * ' the 
lieutenant of the Spanish army, the general-in-chief of the army 
of the Three Guarantees, the regent, and the Emperor of Mexico, 
Augustin I." 



172 



PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 




SANTA ANNA 



VICTOEIA GUADALUPE PLAN OF MONTANO MASONRY IN MEXICO 

SANTA ANNA AGAIN GUEERERO 's FAILURE SANTA ANNA IN A 

CONSTITUTIONAL ROLE MANGO DE CLAVO A REAL LIBERAL CEN- 
TRALIZATION POLICY IN FULL CONTROL IN THE WAR WITH THE 

UNITED STATES SERENE HIGHNESS PLAN OF AYOTLA. 

THE Mexican constitution was adopted in 1824. It was un- 
luckily patterned quite closely after our own. There are 
many reasons why it would have been better had it not 
been so copied. In the first place, the United States was a fed- 
eration of states which were already separate and distinct, each 
having been in the habit of con- 
ducting its own affairs ; each hav- 
ing always had its local govern- 
ment. In the second place, the 
people of the United States were 
already accustomed to political 
action; they had long had prob- 
lems with which to deal and a rea- 
sonable* amount of freedom in 
dealing with them. Again, the 
population in the colonies was 
fairly homogeneous ; there was no 
sharp division into castes; this 
was true even though slavery 
existed as an institution in the 
colonies, and it is significant that, 
when our constitution was 
adopted, slaves were excluded 
from citizenship; in a population 
fairly homogeneous, speaking a single language, and without 
marked caste divisions, there was possibility of free discussion. 
Conditions in Mexico were entirely different. As a colony the 
country had always been ruled from a single center; while the 

173 




GUADALUPE VICTOEIA. 
First President of Mexico. 



174 SANTA ANNA 

influence of local and petty interests was present, it was reduced 
to a minimum by the strongly centralistic nature of control. 
Again, the people had never had opportunity for political activ- 
ity ; not even the Creoles had had any actual voice in government. 
Again, the four different classes in the community — Spaniards, 
Creoles, mestizos, and Indians — were so sharply separated that 
such a thing as free and general discussion of public questions 
was impossible. The social condition of Mexico and the char- 
acter of the political training to which it had so long been sub- 
ject, were calculated, with the introduction of democratic prin- 
ciples, to lead to dangerous local personal leadership, 

VICTOEIA GUADALUPE 

The first president elected under the new constitution was 
Victoria Gruadalupe. His real name was Felix Fernandez but 
he adopted the name Victoria Guadalupe from sentiment. He 
was president because he received the largest number of votes 
cast. Nicolas Bravo became at the same time vice-president, 
having received next to the largest number of votes. In the 
very nature of things, this was a bad arrangement, as the two 
persons thus elected would generally represent opposite fac- 
tions. In this case, Victoria Guadalupe represented the fed- 
eralist sentiment which aimed to emphasize the sovereignty and 
independence of the states, while Nicolas Bravo represented the 
centralistic idea. Victoria Guadalupe served his full term of 
four years. The most important incidents during his adminis- 
tration were, the plot of Padre Arenas, the expulsion of the 
Spaniards, the Plan of Montaiio, and the strife between the dif- 
ferent branches of free masonry. Masonry was introduced into 
Mexico in 1820 under the form of Scottish rites. The Spaniards 
and aristocratic Creoles were most addicted to it. They repre- 
sented the conservative and reactionary elements of the popula- 
tion. The plot of Padre Arenas aimed to re-establish the 
authority of the Spanish king in Mexico. The plot was betrayed 
by one to whom the instigator made it known, with the result 
that the padre and a number of his co-conspirators were sen- 



SANTA ANNA 175 

tenced to be executed. It was commonly claimed that this plot 
was instigated by the masons of Scottish rites. To offset the 
influence of this reactionary party, the republican leaders also 
became masons, but masons of the Yorkist rites. For the intro- 
duction of this phase of masonry, Joel E. Poinsett, the first 
American minister to Mexico, was largely responsible. Poin- 
sett, in fact, took a greater part in the politics of Mexico than a 
diplomatic representative would be expected to take. 

PLAN OF MONTANO 

The plan of Montano was launched against the government 
of Victoria Guadalupe at the end of 1827. It demanded the 
resignation of the minister of war, the expulsion of the Span- 
iards, the expulsion of Poinsett, and the extinction of masonry. 
Nicolas Bravo, Vice-President of the Republic, was implicated 
in this conspiracy, a fact not strange when we remember the 
law regarding the election of president and vice-president. 

MASONEY IN MEXICO 

The strife between the two wings of the Free Masons came 
to further strength with the suppression of this attempt at out- 
break. In September, 1828, the new election took place, and the 
candidates were the hero Guerrero for the Yorkinos and Ped- 
raza for the Scottish party. The Yorkinos were pronounced lib- 
erals, federalists; the Scottish party were the conservatives, 
Spaniards and others. Pedraza was the Minister of War under 
Victoria Guadalupe, whose resignation had been demanded by 
the insurrectionists. As the result of the election, Pedraza was 
elected. The partisans of Guerrero were unwilling, however, 
to recognize him, and made appeal to arms. For thirty days 
war was carried on openly in the capital city. 

We have said so much simply to show the beginning of the 
republic and the alignment of forces at the moment. It is not 
our intention to present an outline of Mexican history in detail. 
But at this point, with the appeal of the Yorkinos to arms in 
order to unseat the man constitutionally elected to office, a man 



176 



SANTA ANNA 



emerges whose life story we must tell. No name is better known 
in connection with Mexican history than his. Antonio Lopez de 
Santa Anna was a remarkable man in many ways. He first 




PERPETUAL EEUPTION. 



came into prominence in 1822, when, by the plan of Casa Mata, 
he united with Bravo and Guerrero in a truly patriotic and inde- 
pendent movement against Iturbide. 



SANTA ANNA 177 



SANTA ANNA AGAIN 



He now appears again. On November 11, 1828, he pro- 
nounced at Perote, seizing the famous castle — or prison — of 
Perote. He declared himself in favor of Guerrero as president, 
and demanded the destitution of Pedraza. The president, Vic- 
toria Guadalupe, who had not yet completed his term of office, 
declared Santa Anna guilty of treason and sent a force against 
him. He was besieged, escaped, pursued, defended himself 
with bravery, but was at last captured. But while a battle in 
the field was being conducted against him, changes were taking 
place in the capital city favorable to him. When, finally, he had 
been captured, Pedraza 's cause had failed. Santa Anna, called 
to Mexico, was placed at the head of the army. On January 
12, 1829, Congress declared the election of Pedraza null, and 
seated Guerrero in the presidential chair. With him, Anastasio 
Bustamante, a man of strong centralistic tendencies, was in- 
stalled as vice-president. As was natural, quarrels arose 
between the two. 

GUEREEEO'S FAILUEE 

At this time there took place a Spanish invasion, with the 
idea of restoring the old control. In the crisis, as perhaps was 
necessary, Guerrero assumed dictatorial powers. The vice- 
president, Bustamante, had been sent with forces to repel the 
invaders. After the actual danger from the foreigners was 
past, Guerrero still clung to the dictatorial powers which he had 
assumed. This gave Bustamante the chance to pronounce 
against him, which he did with his forces at Jalapa. The Plan 
of Jalapa was launched by Santa Anna. Guerrero at once left 
the City of Mexico with troops to subdue the insurrection. No 
sooner was he gone, than the presidency was seized by another. 
The old hero lost out everywhere. Unable to subdue the insur- 
rection, unable to regain his presidential chair, he was declared 
by congress to be ''morally incapacitated." Bustamante came 
to power. Guerrero had friends, however, and the principles 
for which he stood were by no means dead. The country was 



178 SANTA ANNA 

soon aflame with revolution. Guerrero himself fled to the south 
where he and his friends successfully withstood the attacks of 
the government troops sent against them. The government, 
becoming convinced that it could not conquer Guerrero, appealed 
to stratagem and treason. A Genoese navigator named Pica- 
luga, captain of the brigantine called the Colombo, was hired to 
carry out the plot. He anchored his vessel in the Bay of Aca- 
pulco and invited Guerrero to dinner on board ; when they had 
eaten, the Genoese informed Guerrero that he was a prisoner, 
and sailed to Huatulco. There he was given up to his enemies, 
tried, and condemned to death. He was shot in Cuilapa, Feb- 
ruary 15, 1831. 

It may well be asked whether the death of the old patriot 
does not contradict the rather frequent boast of the Mexicans 
that they have never assassinated presidents. Two answers 
of course would be given to the question : at the time when he 
was put to death, Guerrero was not the actual president of the 
republic. Again, while the trial was no doubt a farce, it can 
be said that he was tried and found guilty of treason against 
the constituted government. In him, however, one of the most 
stalwart defenders of truly democratic principles passed from 
the scene of action. 

SANTA ANNA IN A CONSTITUTIONAL KOLE 

In January, 1832, Santa Anna again pronounced in Vera 
Cruz. This time his cry was "Restoration of the Constitution 
and the Constitutional Laws." Notwithstanding the fact that 
he had always fought against their principles, the federalists 
flocked to his standard and aided in his revolution. Bustamante 
in person took the field. He was defeated, and resigned in favor 
of Manuel Gomez Pedraza. Santa Anna, in support of Pedraza, 
asserted the fact of his constitutional election in 1828. It will 
be remembered that he himself had been the cause of the annul- 
ling of that election. In other words, Santa Anna had, in turn, 
made and destroyed Guerrero, Bustamante, and Pedraza. He 
had no absolute principles firmly held. His ambitions were 



SANTA ANNA 179 

purely selfish ; Ms politics entirely personal ; and his followers 
did as he did. 

It will be noticed, however, that the period for which Pedraza 
had been elected was now almost ended. Only three moiiths, in 
fact, remained. When a new election was held, the candidates 
were both well Imown old revolutionary leaders, though one 
stood for conservative, the other for liberal principles. By the 
election General Bravo became president, on the liberal ticket ; 
his opponent, mortified, committed suicide. Congress, which 
was centralistic at the moment, set aside the election and named 
Santa Anna as president and Valentin Gomez Farias vice-pres- 
ident. As usual, the two officials represented completely oppo- 
site tendencies. Gomez Farias was a man of advanced ideas. 
He had demonstrated his ability in politics and government in 
the State of Zacatecas of which he had been governor. 

MANGO DE CLAVO 

Santa Anna now developed a peculiar characteristic which 
marked the whole remaining period of his life. There is no ques- 
tion that he had schemed and worked for the presidential office. 
But hardly had he gained the position when he abandoned his 
public duties and retired to his estate. Mango de Clavo, between 
Jalapa and Vera Cruz, leaving the vice-president, Gomez 
Farias, in charge. Two months .later. General Duran pro- 
nounced, offering the Plan de San Augustin. This plan was the 
most reactionary that could be imagined. It demanded the 
strengthening the church and army, and named Santa Anna 
as the supreme dictator of Mexico. As president of the repub- 
lic, Santa Anna hastened from his retirement to the capital city, 
appointed Arista to the second place in the army, and went with 
him and it against Duran. On the way Arista seized the person 
of Santa Anna and proclaimed him dictator. All of this^ of 
course was stage play. The vice-president, Gomez Farias, 
rallied the Federals and demanded that the president should 
perform his full duty under the constitution. Santa Anna 
escaped, naturally without difficulty, from the hands of his cap- 



180 SANTA ANNA 

tor, Arista, and came back to Mexico, apparently intending to 
fulfill his duty. Arrived there, he resumed control, pardoned 
Arista, and banished Duran. He had failed in his scheme of 
securing dictatorial power. He again retired to his hacienda. 

A REAL LIBERAL 

Gomez Farias, left in charge of affairs, attempted to put his 
own views into operation. These were definitely progressive. 
They aimed toward the abolition of class privileges and the 
improvement of the condition of the common people. They 
were far in advance of anything ever seriously attempted in 
Mexico. As was to be expected, they met with strong opposi- 
tion. Meantime, in his retreat at Mango de Clavo, Santa Anna 
was again plotting. The result was the Plan de Cuernavaca. 
It was a definite reaction against the liberal politics of Gomez 
Farias, with the distinct aim of conferring dictatorial powers 
upon himself. Eeturning to office in 1834, he dissolved con- 
gress, assembled a new one, annulled the reforms undertaken 
by the vice-president, deposed him from office, and in reality 
exercised unlimited power. Encouraged by the new conditions, 
entirely favorable to themselves, the clergy and military now 
loudly demanded a total change of governmental form. This 
demand was met in May, 1834, by the Plan of Toluca, which 
abolished the Federal constitution with the recognition of 
sovereign and independent states, and replaced it by a new 
constitution known commonly under the title of The Seven Laws 
{Las Siete Leyes). 

A CENTRALIZATION POLICY 

This was indeed revolutionary. Naturally the states opposed 
it. Several of them were outspoken in opposition, but only one 
— Texas — ^was able to give force to its opposition. It declared 
itself independent, and invited other states to join it in seceding 
from the Mexican Eepublic in case the independence of the 
states was abrogated. In February, 1836, Santa Anna, with 
eight thousand soldiers, hastened to suppress this threatened 



SAiNTA ANNA 181 

outbreak. A battle took place at San Antonio which resulted in 
a victory for Santa Anna who massacred the entire garrison of 
the Alamo. Having gained this victory, with his eight thou- 
sand troops the hero was withdrawing, when he met General 
Houston with less than a thousand soldiers in his force. The bat- 
tle of San Jacinto ensued ; the Texans gained a notable victory 
and took the entire Mexican army prisoners. By the treaty 
arranged with General Houston, the Mexican army was with- 
drawn, the independence of Texas acknowledged, and Santa 
Anna was to return to his own country by way of the United 
States. He did so, taking ten months upon the way. Arrived 
in Mexico, he denounced the treaty which he said he had signed 
under duress, and then went into retirement again. 

This time he remained for two years. In 1838 Mexia led a 
force against the government, aiming to restore independent 
principles. At the moment, Bustamante was again in power. 
He recalled Santa Anna from his retirement and placed him in 
charge of the government forces. A victory was gained over 
Mexia who was executed. Soon afterwards, there was an inter- 
ference by the French government in the effort to collect a claim 
against Mexico. In defending his country against this foreign 
attack, Santa Anna lost a leg. It was a fortune for him. From 
that time onward, it was a great card to play in case of diffi- 
culty—to have lost a member in defense of his nation was proof 
positive of patriotic loyalty. Conditions in the republic, how- 
ever, continued in a turmoil., There were pronouncements and 
battles. Among these was a battle between the Ciudadela and 
the Palace, which was practically repeated in the spectacular 
events of 1913 fresh in our memory. As a result of all the diffi- 
culties, Bustamante again withdrew to Europe. The Plan of 
Tacubaya was launched, a junta of notables was named by the 
head of the army— who of course was Santa Anna— which, in 
turn, named him as president. A new constitution, even more 
centralizing in its character than that of 1836, was adopted in 
June, 1843. The new Congress, installed in accordance with 
it, on January 1, 1844, confirmed Santa Anna in the presidency. 



182 SANTA ANNA ~~ 

IN FULL CONTROL 

He had now practically achieved his aim, and was in full 
charge. Noll says : ' ' The state he observed as President was 
altogether inconsistent with the republican institutions he prom- 
ised to observe. He rode abroad from the National Palace in a 
coach richly decked with crimson velvet and gold, drawn by four 
white horses, accompanied by a troop of gaily caparisoned hus- 
sars and with six mounted aides-de-camp at the sides. He wore 
the rich gold-embroidered dress of a General of Division. A 
number of decorations were about his neck, and medal of great 
brilliancy upon his breast." But a storm was rising, and he 
retired to Mango de Clava. 

The rising against him was actually serious. The leaders of 
the insurrection demanded that the constitution should be recog- 
nized. Uprisings took place everywhere throughout the coun- 
try. Santa Anna hastened to the capital city and tried to stay 
the movement. He was unquestionably the constitutional presi- 
dent of the republic, but by his own constitution he could not 
be in charge of troops. He took troops, however, and went into 
the field. The minister of war, directed by congress, ordered 
him to give up the command of military forces. Santa Anna 
paid no attention to the demand, with the result that congress, 
in December, declared that it no longer recognized his authority 
as president, nullified his acts, and called upon the forces under 
his command to submit at once to the authority of the govern- 
ment. After some show of resistance, Santa Anna finally 
retreated to Jalapa. His troops surrendered. He himself was 
captured and confined in the prison of Perote. He was im- 
peached by congress for high treason ^'in attempt to subvert 
the constitution and to elevate himself to the supreme authority 
of Mexico as Emperor ; for violating the constitution by an arbi- 
trary exercise of former; for malfeasance not conferred upon 
him in office in applying funds of the government to his own 
use ; and in sending out of the country on his individual account 
several millions of public money; for violating the usages of 



SANTA ANNA 183 

war at Puebla ; for robbing the mint at Guanajuato ; for pillag- 
ing cities and appropriating public and private property to Ms 
own use; and for refusing to deliver up the command of the 
army, when ordered by the gvernment to do so. ' ' 

In the nature of things, the political adventurer should have 
been executed. In May, however, a general amnesty was offered 
to all who had been opposing the government, but it was stipu- 
lated that Santa Anna must leave the country of Mexico for- 
ever ; the city went wild with delight at his final overthrow. He 
who had been in supreme control left his native land humiliated 
and disgraced, breathing out threats and rage. 

IN THE WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES 

But not long after this, there came on the war with the United 
States. In that hour of crisis Santa Anna was recalled to Mex- 
ico to take charge of the government forces. There was no 
question that in that period he again betrayed his country. The 
details belong in another chapter. He gained no great victories 
during the progress of that struggle, and at its close he again 
left the country. 

SERENE HIGHNESS 

Several years of confusion ensued in the national history. 
In 1853 General Lombardini secured the election of Santa Anna 
again to office by the states. On April 1, 1853, the political 
adventurer returned to Mexico in glory. His journey, as Noll 
says, ''was in the nature of a triumphal procession from the 
coast to the capital. Banners and bells, cannons and triumphal 
arches and flowers, were all called into requisition in welcoming 
the man who had repeatedly threatened Mexico's destruction, 
and who had never yet answered the charges of robbery and 
treason brought against him; who had been engaged in secret 
negotiations with the United States Government, through which 
the issue of the war between that nation and Mexico had been 
disastrous to the latter country ; who had intrigued with Euro- 
pean powers for the institution of monarchy in his native land ; 



184 SANTA ANNA 

and whom the Mexican people had more than once declared 
worthy of death, and had not suffered to remain in their land. ' ' 
With his return, Mexico achieved the extreme of centralization. 
Santa Anna assumed the title of ^'Serene Highness." On 
December 11, he was made perpetual dictator. He revived the 
Order of Guadalupe, with its decoration, first established by Itur- 
bide. He lived, as before, in almost royal splendor. He nego- 
tiated with the United States a sale of land known by us as the 
Gadsden Purchase, for ten million dollars, the greater part of 
which unquestionably went into his own pockets. 

PLAN OF AYOTLA 

It would seem as if ideals of liberty had totally disappeared 
from Mexico. The reactionar}^ forces were in complete control. 
But in the south there was an Indian of pure blood, named Juan 
Alvarez. He had served under the patriot Morelos and had im- 
bibed his ideals. He had been Governor of Guerrero and looked 
with hostility upon the abrogation of the rights of states. He 
was an insurrectionist, and in connection with his insurrection 
the Plan of Ayotla was launched. It gained the aid of other 
leaders, among them Ignacio Comonfort. These leaders repre- 
sented a cause which was far from dead. They won victories. 
Santa Anna, perpetual dictator, in vain tried to stay the move- 
ment. He was forced to leave the city on August 9, 1855. On 
his way to the coast, he issued his last manifesto to the Mexi- 
can people. It was like so many others of his grand, eloquent, 
and bombastic utterances. It was the last time that he seriously 
figured in Mexican politics. 

Thus ended the real public career of this much vaunted man. 
He represented a great class of Mexican politicians who have 
cursed the country from 1810 up to the present hour. "Without 
principles himself, he espoused any principles which for the 
moment, seemed to promise him advancement and personal 
power. Mexico's greatest misfortune is that such leaders may 
invariably find followers. 



WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES 

SECESSION OF TEXAS ^AISTNEXATION BY THE UNITED STATES WAE 

BEGUN BY THE UNITED STATES COURSE OF THE WAR — SANTA 

anna's PART NATURE OF THE WAR RESULTS OF THE WAR. 

IN 1821, the American colonization of the State of Texas in 
the Mexican Republic began; in 1828, Stephen Austin and 
three hundred families settled within its area. It was no 
doubt largely due to the infiltration of a new stock into Texas 
that that state felt more keenly than some others the abrogation 
of the rights of states by the centralist constitution of 1834. At 
that time Texas remonstrated; it was outraged over aggres- 
sions upon the rights of states ; it was angered that the Seven 
Laws had been adopted without its consent ; its representatives, 
sent to Mexico to express its sentiment, were unheard and 
thrown into prison. 

SECESSION OF TEXAS 

In 1836, then, Texas issued a manifesto in which it declared 
itself independent unless its rights, guaranteed by the consti- 
tution of 1824, should be restored. It invited other states to 
rise in defense of the doctrine of state rights. 

The result of the secession of Texas was war. Santa Anna, 
with eight thousand soldiers, proceeded to the seat of difficulty, 
won the battle of San Antonio and stained his hands with the 
blood of the garrison of the Alamo. At San Jacinto he was 
defeated by General Houston, and forced to sign the treaty 
whereby the Mexican force was withdrawn from Texas, 
independence was recognized, and the return of Santa 
Anna was to be by way of the United States. As we have already 
stated, it was three years before the fallen leader really returned 
to Mexico. He repudiated the treaty which he had signed, 
and planned an expedition to recapture the seceded state, then 
the independent Texas Republic. His plans necessitated an 
expenditure beyond the ability of the nation at the time. They 

185 



186 WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES 

never materialized, and the State of Texas continued to exer- 
cise independence for a period of something like nine years. 

ANNEXATION BY THE UNITED STATES 

At the end of that time, Texas asked admission to the United 
States. Its annexation was opposed by a considerable party in 
our own country — ^naturally it was opposed by almost every one 
in Mexico. With annexation all possibility of its recapture dis- 
appeared. More than that, a vexing' question which had been in 
dispute between Mexico and Texas was transferred to a new 
and stronger power. This question concerned the boundary be- 
tween Mexico and Texas. It was claimed by Mexico that the 
Rio Nueces was that boundary; Texas contended that the Rio 
Grande must be the limit. By the contention of Texas, Mexico 
would lose a considerable strip of territory. As long as Mexico 
had only Texas to deal with, she had some reason to hope for a 
satisfactory conclusion of this disputed boundary question. 
With annexation all such hope disappeared. Feeling over the 
matter of annexation was so high that Almonte, minister from 
Mexico at Washington, demanded his passports. President 
Herrera declared that annexation was a breach of international 
laws, and called upon the Mexican people to rally to the national 
defense. Troops were at once dispatched toward the north in 
expectation that war would ensue. 

The man in charge of the troops was General Paredos. 
When well upon his way, he decided to pronounce against the 
Herrera government. He returned to Mexico with his troops. 
He was declared President by a junta which had assumed 
power on the fall of President Herrera. Paredes was a man 
of marked monarchic tendencies. 

WAR BEGUN BY THE UNITED STATES 

Meantime, war was indeed a reality. It was precipitated by 
the Americans. In March, 1846, Gen. Zachary Taylor advanced 
toward the Mexican border. He gained two battles, Palo Alto 
and Resaca de la Palma, within the area that was in dispute 



WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES 187 

between Mexico and Texas. This perhaps was not, technically 
speaking, a war against Mexico. But Zachary Taylor did not 
pause within the disputed territory. He crossed the Rio Grande, 
thus leading an army of invasion into Mexico, and gained 
victories at Matamoras and Monterey. 

COUESE OF THE WAR 

The war with Mexico was easy. It was an almost undis- 
puted march of the American troops. The chief reason for its 
being thus easy was the existence of bitter internal feuds be- 
tween the Mexicans. After having gained power, Paredes took 
the field with forces, leaving Bravo behind in charge of the 
government. There was soon a pronouncement in the ciuda- 
dela. As the result, Mariana Salas was made president. He 
called Santa Anna to take charge of forces. Santa Anna landed 
at Vera Cruz the sixteenth day of August, 1846, and sent Al- 
monte up to the capital city to feel the popular sentiment, hav- 
ing some fear, lest he might be entrapped. While awaiting a 
report, he issued one of his notable manifestoes, in which he 
excused all his past bad conduct and inconsistency, and attacked 
every one who had opposed him. Salas, as president, issued an 
edict agreeing in detail with the manifesto of Santa Anna, and 
the leader made his way to Mexico where he was received with 
patriotic joy. Congress proceeded to elect him President, with 
Gomez Farias as Vice-President. Santa Anna himself advanced 
to San Luis Potosi with a small army. 

SANTA anna's PART 

Gomez Farias, left in charge at Mexico, faced serious difficul- 
ties. He tried to raise a forced loan from the Church, but met 
with resistance. There was at this time a considerable body of 
conservatives who were known as ^'Polkos" because they openly 
favored the American attack upon Mexico's independence. Fi- 
nally, Gomez Farias succeeded in forcing his loan act through 
congress. Just at this moment Santa Anna, defeated in the bat- 
tle of Buena Vista, returned to Mexico, He unseated Gomez 



188 



WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES 




MEXICO'S LAND LOSSES TO THE UNITED STATES: 
1 AND 3 BY THE WAR; 2 BY THE GODSLEN PURCHASE 



WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES 189 

Farias, annulled bis acts, and encouraged the appointment of 
Anaya as acting President. 

Again in charge of forces, he was again defeated — this time 
at Cerro Gordo. He returned to Mexico. The capital city was 
occupied by Gen. "Winfield Scott in charge of the American 
forces. Santa Anna turned the army over to General Lombar- 
dini and left the country. During his control of forces, he 
gained no serious battles. It is quite certain that he acted in 
coalition with the Americans. He could never have landed in 
Vera Cruz without an understanding with the enemy. It is 
unnecessary to describe in detail the engagements of the war. 
President Herrera, in charge of matters at the beginning of dif- 
ficulties, with the turn of fortune, was again in power at the end 
of the unfortunate war. It was almost immediately after his 
restoration to power that the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo was 
signed, June 6, 1848. 

NATURE OF THE WAR 

It was really a war without honor for the United States. It 
was precipitated by us — forced on a country which, in a certain 
sense, we had assisted in robbing. It was in large part a move- 
ment of our slave interests. In it we took advantage of the dis- 
tracted condition of our neighboring republic. During the little 
more than two years that it lasted, there were thirteen changes 
in the presidential office in Mexico. At one time four different 
factions were struggling for power. From a military point of 
view, the war was no achievement. It was practically a walk- 
over — ^not that the Mexicans were incapable of bravery, for there 
were battles where splendid heroism was shown on their part, 
such as Churubusco, Molino del Rey, and Chapultepec. An inci- 
dent quoted by Manuel Payno is in point. After the battle of 
Churubusco, where the Mexicans in small numbers in an ancient 
convent building held a considerable American force (five or 
six thousand men) at bay for a long time. General Twiggs en- 
tered the convent building; he inquired from the Mexican in 
charge. General Anaya, where the ammunition was. The reply 



190 WAR "WITH THE UNITED STATES 

was, *'If there had been ammunition, you would not be here." 
Add to all these difficulties against which the Mexicans were 
struggling, the unquestionable treachery of Santa Anna, and 
it will be seen how little credit to us the war brought. 

RESULTS OF THE WAR 

By the war Mexico lost the whole of California, Arizona, and 
New Mexico — 522,955,000 square miles of territory. 

Here again we have emphatically illustrated the lack of unity 
among the Mexicans. There was no national feeling. In the 
face of a common enemy, the petty cliques struggled with one 
another for power. Division, separation, and personal politics 
were at the bottom of their troubles. 



THE LITTLE INDIAN 

THE POLICIES OF GOMEZ FARIAS PROGRESSIVE LAWS NEW CONSTI- 
TUTION THE OPPOSITION BENITO JUAREZ FLIGHT OF THE LIB- 
ERAL GOVERNMENT EVENTS AT VERA CRUZ ^AGAIN IN CONTROL 

EUROPEAN INTERVENTION MAXIMILIAN 'S EMPIRE CHARACTER 

OF JUAREZ A SPECTACULAR INCIDENT AFTER THE EMPIRE. 

EVEN in the periods of greatest centralization, a spirit of 
real democracy remained. While Santa Anna was plot- 
ting centralism, Valentin Gomez Farias was practicing 
progressive policies. 

THE POLICIES OF GOMEZ FARIAS 

It is worth while to pause a moment to see exactly what 
he desired to accomplish. The year is 1834. Noll sums up his 
principles as follows: ''(1) The absolute liberty of the press; 
(2) the abolishment of special class privileges, or fueros, as 
they were called, whereby the clergy and the army gained 
great advantages over the masses of the people; (3) the separa- 
tion of church and state, including the suppression of monastic 
institutions, and more particularly the abrogation of the right 
of ecclesiastics to interfere in secular affairs; (4) the restora- 
tion and maintenance of the national credit by a readjustment 
of the public debt; (5) the improvement of the moral condition 
of the popular classes, more particularly instruction in colleges 
by lay officers in place of, or at least in addition to, the priests 
who had heretofore claimed the whole right to teach, and whose 
curriculum was far from broad or edifying; (6) the abolition 
of punishment for political offenses; (7) laws encouraging emi- 
gration and colonization, for the better protection of territory, 
and to guarantee the integrity of the national territory.'* In 
fact, within this program, practically every important liberal 
advance achieved in Mexico since that time is involved. The 
development of these progressive policies demanded almost 
forty years, and in the development three names stand forth 

191 



192 



THE LITTLE INDIAN 




IGNACIO COMONFORT. 



THE LITTLE INDIAN 



193 




BENITO JUABEZ. 



194 THE LITTLE INDIAN 

conspicuously — Valentin Gomez Farias, Ignacio Comonfort, 
Benito Juarez. 

PEOGEESSIVE LAWS 

We have already mentioned the Plan of Ayotla. It suc- 
ceeded. Juan Alvarez was named provisional president by a 
junta of three members. When he entered Mexico, he was 
escorted by a bodyguard of Indians. In the cabinet which he 
organized, Comonfort held the portfolio of war, Juarez that of 
justice. The liberal tendencies of the new government were 
promptly shown by the suggestion of the Le7/ Juarez. This law, 
named from its author, suppressed all special courts, thus re- 
moving civil cases from the jurisdiction of military and ecclesi- 
astical tribunals. It was a notable advance. The Indian presi- 
dent, Juan Alvarez, soon resigned the position in favor of 
Comonfort, who, for a time, pursued an equally liberal policy. 
On June 25, 1856, congress passed a law known as the Ley 
Lerdo. It was the joint production of Juarez, Ocampo, and 
Miguel Lerdo de Tejada, who was secretary of the treasury 
under the new president. The law was an exceedingly bold one. 
It removed from all corporations, civil and ecclesiastical, the 
right to own lands beyond what was necessary for the transac- 
tion of their legitimate business. It gave to all persons who had 
leased property from the Church the right to purchase the same 
at a price to be assessed by commissioners appointed for the 
purpose. It permitted the denunciation of improved untenanted 
property of the church by any citizen. It provided for the sale 
of all the unimproved land of the Church at an assessed valua- 
tion. The proceeds from all these transactions were to go to 
the Church. The land, however, would thus be freed from ecclesi- 
astical control and no longer exempt from taxation. It was to 
be expected that the clerical leaders would make vigorous efforts 
to prevent the passage and application of this law. The reac- 
tionary movement in Puebla, led by the clericals, was particu- 
larly virulent. It was suppressed, and sufficient Church prop- 
erty was taken over by the government to pay the expenses of 



THE LITTLE INDIAN 195 

the suppression and an indemnity to the government for all the 
damage caused. In September, 1856, the president ordered the 
seizure of the great property of the San Francisco Order — one 
of the most valuable in Mexico. It was taken over on account 
of the hostility of the order to the new laws. 

At first the act involved the suppression of the order itself ; 
this suppression, however, was rescinded, but the confiscation 
continued and a street, now known as Independencia, was cut 
through the property. The constitution was finally passed and 
sent to the president for signature. 

NEW CONSTITUTION 

It was indeed a liberal constitution. Recognizing the rights 
of a man as fundamental, it declared that the people, and the 
people only, had a right to alter forms of government. The 
sovereignty of the states was asserted, and the national govern- 
ment was a voluntary federation of such. Corporations might 
hold property only to the extent necessary to the accomplish- 
ment of the immediate and direct object of their institution. 
Slavery was abolished, education was to be free, and every per- 
son was at liberty to follow such occupation as best suited him. 
Freedom of speech and of the press was guaranteed. The right 
of petition, of peaceful assembly, and of carrying arms was 
granted. Special tribunals — religious and military — were abol- 
ished, and only the properly constituted national courts permit- 
ted. Religious toleration was established. This constitution 
was, in fact, so liberal that the president was hesitant in affix- 
ing his signature to it. Liberal as he undoubtedly was, he began 
to feel the mighty pressure of the conservatives against him and 
his policies. Finally, however, he signed the constitution, on 
February 5, 1857. 

THE OPPOSITION 

The storm of opposition promptly broke. General Zuloaga 
protested, declaring the constitution null and void. Behind him 
the clericals and other reactionary and conservative elements 



196 



THE LITTLE INDIAN 




MELCHOE OCAMPO. 



THE LITTLE LNDIAN 



197 




ZARAGOZA. 



198 THE LITTLE INDIAN 

loomed up — conspicuous among them Miguel Miramon, Tomas 
Mejia, and Antonio Pelagio de Labastida, as leaders whose 
names came to be famous. Miramon was a military leader, born 
in Mexico notwithstanding his French name, and had made a 
reputation in the late war with the United States. He had been 
conspicuous in the battles of Molino del Eey and Chapultepec. 
He had been engaged on the side of the conservatives in the 
disturbances in Puebla, in 1856. He was young and a brave 
soldier. Tomas Mejia was a full-blood Mexican Indian. He too 
had made a name in military affairs. As for Labastida, he first 
came into prominence when Bishop of Michoacan. He was now 
Archbishop of Mexico and was destined to play an important 
part in the coming struggles. So pronounced was the opposition 
and so vigorous its efforts that there was battling on the streets 
of Mexico and much bloodshed. The president's cabinet re- 
signed. Comonfort appointed Benito Juarez minister of gober- 
nacion in the new cabinet. Notwithstanding the opposition and 
the threatening condition of affairs, the constitution was put 
into operation. Immediately afterwards, an election was held 
in which the opposing candidates were Ignacio Comonfort and 
Miguel Lerdo de Mejia. Comonfort was elected, and at the 
same time, Benito Juarez became president of the supreme 
court, a matter of importance inasmuch as he would become 
the president of the republic in case of the death or the removal 
of the elected president. Only ten days later President Comon- 
fort weakened and gave way completely to the clerical party. 
He set aside the constitution and threw Benito Juarez into, 
prison. Nothing could have been more unwise than this sur- 
render. It soon became evident that the liberal party was as 
able to express dissatisfaction and to threaten trouble as the 
conservatives. Distracted, uncertain in his policy, and terrified 
by the clamor about him, Comonfort again reversed his action — 
restoring the constitution and setting Juarez free. Naturally 
Zuloaga pronounced. Comonfort resigned January 21, 1858. 
By his resignation the capital city was left entirely at the mercy 
of the reactionaries. 



THE LITTLE INDIAN 199 

BENITO JUAREZ 

The liberal deputies escaped to Queretaro, where they rec- 
ognized Juarez as constitutional president, installing him in the 
position January 10, 1858. It is time to make a brief statement 
regarding this important man. Benito Juarez was born in the 
Indian town of San Pablo Guelatao, in the State of Oaxaco, on 
March 21, 1806. He was a full-blood Zapotec. Brought up in 
his little village, he know only the Zapotec language until the 
age of twelve years. His sister had already gone to the city of 
Oaxaca, where she was employed in domestic service. When 
twelve years old, Benito followed, and in the capital city of the 
state, found a home and employment with a Franciscan lay- 
brother ; this man was a book-binder, and with him the boy found 
work, and from him received his elementary education. He 
entered the Seminary in October, 1821. This was of course a 
critical time in the history of the republic ; the long struggle for 
independence had ended, and the establishment of the new nation 
was in progress. The Seminary was an ecclesiastical institution, 
and it was supposed that the boy would enter the clerical pro- 
fession. In 1828, however, the Institute of Arts and Sciences 
was founded in Oaxaca, and Benito Juarez entered that school, 
where he studied law and from which he graduated in 1832. 

Juarez was in politics in 1831, when he held the position of 
regidor; soon afterwards, he was a member of the state legis- 
lature, and when the state took a stand against the centralizing 
constitution in 1836, he was thrown into jail ; later he became a 
local judge, and then, secretary of the governor ; in 1846 he was 
one of the junta of three members in charge of the state gov- 
ernment. Through all these years, he was a practicing lawyer, 
and it is an interesting fact that Porfirio Diaz studied under his 
instruction. Up to this time, his political life had been confined 
to state offices. In 1846, he was elected deputy from his state to 
the national congress. He was Governor of Oaxaca for five 
years. When Santa Anna came to dictatorial power, in 1853, he 
was imprisoned — at Puebla, Jalapa, and San Juan de Ulua — 



200 THE LITTLE INDIAN 

and exiled. During his exile, lie went to New Orleans, where 
he was living in 1855. When the Plan of Ayotla was pronounced, 
he hurried to Acapulco, going by way of the Grulf and Panama. 
He united himself to Alvarez and Comonfort. 

FLIGHT OF THE LIBERAL GOVERNMENT 

Juarez set up a constitutional government in Guanajuato. 
He issued a proclamation as constitutional president. The con- 
servative forces, however, were gaining advantages everywhere. 
In battles fought at Celaya and Salamanca, the constitutional 
forces were beaten. Juarez and his government were forced 
to withdraw to Gruadalajara. Here a truly spectacular incident 
took place. An uprising occurred among the soldiers, and they 
seized the palace in which were the president and his advisers ; 
all were taken prisoners and were on the point of being immedi- 
ately executed when, in this moment of supreme danger, the con- 
stitutionalist cause was presented in simple terms to the muti- 
nous soldiers, who were gained over, and the lives of the presi- 
dent and his helpers saved. Juarez and his advisers now with- 
drew to Colima and then to Manzanillo on the Pacific coast. Fi- 
nally, with his cabinet, he left the country by steamer, going to 
Panama, Havana, New Orleans, and Vera Cruz. This fact has 
been much made of by those hostile to the Indian president. It 
is claimed that, by leaving the national soil, he ceased to have 
legal status, and lost whatever constitutional rights were his. 

EVENTS AT VERA CRUZ 

However that may be, on the fourth of May, 1858, he estab- 
lished his government in the city of Vera Cruz, and shortly 
afterwards was recognized by the United States as being the 
constitutional ruler of the republic. This recognition was a 
great advantage for the Indian president. There was still, 
however, much trouble in store from the conservative forces. In 
the many battles which were fought, victory was generally with 
the reactionaries. General Miramon even invested the city of 
Vera Cruz, but failed to seize it. Against the efforts made in 



THE LITTLE INDIAN 201 

favor of the constitutional government in the capital city, Mira- 
mon and the cruel Leandro Marquez held the power securely. In 
1860, Miramon again tried to seize the city of Vera Cruz and to 
destroy the constitutional government. Negotiations were 
entered into and foreign influence — both of the United States 
and European countries — ^was brought to bear. The negotia- 
tions failed, and Miramon bombarded the city. He withdrew, 
however, without succeeding in capturing it. With his cause at 
lowest ebb, President Juarez took desperate measures. He is- 
sued decrees of a more drastic and far-reaching character than 
any before promulgated. He declared all church property 
nationalized and sequestrated ; he demanded that marriage be by 
a civil ceremony, not by a priest ; he pronounced religious tolera 
tion ; he secularized the cemeteries. These acts, going far beyond 
the principles contained in the constitution, could only weaken 
the power of the Church, and indirectly aid his cause. All of 
them were included in the Laws of the Eeform. With the pro- 
mulgation of these edicts, new force was given to the constitu- 
tionalist cause. A battle at Guanajuato resulted favorably to the 
liberal forces, and the city was taken. Encouraged by this suc- 
cess, a movement was made upon the capital, which was invested. 
After a few days ' battle, the Juarists gained and were in power. 
Thus ended what was known as The War of the Reform. 

AGAIN IlSr CONTROL 

Fully seated in power, Juarez put his recent decrees into full 
effect and ordered an election. Its result was to make him con- 
stitutional president and Gen. Jesus Gonzales Ortega vice-presi- 
dent. There followed a period of gradual establishment of the 
liberal power. Difficulties arose, and Juarez found himself in 
conflict with his congress. His resignation was demanded; 
when a vote was taken, fifty-one members of congress demanded 
his withdrawal, while fifty-two sustained him. On account of the 
pressing need of funds for government purposes, in July, 1861, 
Juarez announced suspension of payment on foreign debts for 
two years. 



202 THE LITTLE INDIAN 

EUEOPEAN INTEEVENTION" 

This gave ground for foreign interference. England and 
France broke off relations in October, 1861. Soon after, the 
Treaty of London was drawn np, an agreement between three 
nations in regard to Mexico's debts. England, France, and 
Spain united in a joint effort. It was agreed that forces of the 
three nations should occupy certain territory along the east- 
ern coast of the republic, and administer the customs-houses in 
favor of the creditors. No permanent occupancy was to result 
and when the financial obligations of the country had been met, 
it was understood that the intervening powers should withdraw. 
Before this threatened invasion of the national soil, Juarez 
issued the famous decree of January 25, 1862. It declared that 
all men between the ages of sixteen and sixty who refused to 
take up arms in the defense of the country, should be regarded 
as traitors ; it established court martial in place of the ordinary 
tribunals; it authorized governors and magistrates to dispose 
of the persons or properties of disloyal persons within their 
jurisdiction ; it declared armed invasion of the country by Mexi- 
cans or foreigners without previous declaration of war a crime 
against the independence of Mexico, punishable by death ; it de- 
clared any invitation offered by Mexico or foreign residents of 
Mexico for such invasion a similar crime. Such is the sum- 
ming up of this decree as given by Noll. The details of this inter- 
vention appear elsewhere. 

Maximilian's empiee 

Here, where we are only sketching the life of the little Indian, 
it is enough to say that, with French intervention, the liberal 
forces scattered. Some, with the Government retreated north- 
ward; others, under Porfirio Diaz, operated in the south. The 
government was set up at first at San Luis Potosi, then retreated 
to Saltillo, Monterey, Chihuahua, Paso del Norte. At one time 
Juarez had but twenty-two faithful adherents about him. Con- 
spicuous among them, both for the influence which he had with 



THE LITTLE INDIAN 203 

the constitutional president, and for his unquestioned ability was 
Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada. He was brother of the Miguel 
Lerdo de Tejada who figured conspicuously in the cabinet of 
Comonf ort. Of course this northward flight of the president and 
his advisers corresponded step by step with the success of the 
French invasion, and the establishment and development of the 
empire under Maximilian. When Juarez was at El Paso del 
Norte, Maximilian's power was at its height. In comparison 
with the splendor of the imperial capital. El Paso del Norte was 
mean indeed. In 1865 the actual period of Juarez' term of office 
came to an end. It would seem as if no one could wish for the 
empty title of President of Mexico. General Ortega, however, 
who had been useful in the liberal contest, laid claim to the 
presidency on account of the fact that he had been elected presi- 
dent of the supreme court. He announced himself, therefore, 
constitutional president. President Juarez, however, refused to 
recognize him, declaring that events themselves forced him to 
continue in power until a legal election might be held. 

CHARACTEK OP JUAEEZ 

Noll, whose treatment of this period we have closely followed, 
says of Juarez that he was ''simple in his tastes, not personally 
ambitious, depreciated pomp or display, gave his life to the effort 
to set law above force in Mexico, and served his country in hon- 
orable poverty in the Chief Magistracy for thirteen years, the 
greater part of the time an exile from his capital. ' ' The empire 
fell ; Juarez came back from the north. When again the capital 
city was occupied by constitutional forces, elections were ordered. 
They took place in August, 1867, and three candidates appeared 
for the presidency— Benito Juarez, Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, 
and Porfirio Diaz. Juarez was elected. 

A SPECTACULAR IISrCIDENT 

But at this critical moment the irrepressible and spectacu- 
lar Santa Anna reappeared for a moment on the scene. It was 
the month of June. We quote the incident from William But- 



204 THE LITTLE INDIAN 

ler : *' The surrender of Vera Cruz to the republican army under 
General Benavides had already been arranged for, and in a few 
days more the Mexican flag would have floated unchallenged 
over the capital. 

*' Warships of England, France, Austria, and the United 
States were at anchor in the harbor, waiting to witness the close 
of the requisite negotiations when, unexpectedly, on the third of 
June, the mail steamer, Virginia, hove in sight, having on board 
Gen. Santa Anna, with a staff of five officers, a supply of ammu- 
nition of war, and a stock of proclamations for his purpose. 
Utter consternation was the result. Knowing the man, they 
could anticipate nothing from his advent at such an hour but con- 
fusion and destruction. The imperialist General Gomez was in 
command of the castle of San Juan de Ulua, which dominates the 
city and harbor. He had formerly been a friend and adherent of 
Santa Anna ; he promptly invited him to land and remain there 
till arrangements could be made for a grand reception in the 
city. Within an hour after, the band in the fort was playing 
marches of welcome and the garrison shouting, '^Viva el Gen- 
eral Santa Anna ! ' ' The foreign soldiers on the shore responded, 
and all saw that he had but to land, and a hostile force which 
he so well knew how to attract and increase, would be around 
him, and all other authority at an end. Fortunately, before 
he landed, he invited a conference of officials on board the Vir- 
ginia, and there announced his purpose, 'To set up a republic in 
place of the tottering empire, and with the assurance that he 
came under American protection, after interviews with Presi- 
dent Johnson and Mr. Seward, and with their solicitation, 
Maximilian having offered to deliver up the Government of the 
country to him.' These outrageous falsehoods opened the eyes 
of all present. He had overreached himself in asserting that 
the American Government sustained him. A council of war was 
called that night at the city hall by the national and military 
officers, with the consuls stationed at Vera Cruz. The conclu- 
sion was practically unanimous, that Santa Anna should not be 
allowed to land and attempt to spoil all that had been accom- 



THE LITTLE INDIAN 205 

plished. Captain Eoe, of the United States war steamer, 
Tacony, was requested by the entire company to take charge of 
the matter and see that he was sent off again in the ship that 
brought him. This he did in thorough style next morning, to 
Santa Anna's amazement and indignation. He escorted the 
Virginia for the first twenty miles, and parted from her with 
injunctions to her captain not to land the old general anywhere 
in Mexico. At Sisal, Santa Anna sent a letter, enclosing one of 
his proclamations, to the Governor of Yucatan, with the re- 
quest to give it publicity. The governor was aroused to the 
danger involved, and as soon as Santa Anna landed, he arrested 
him, sending him off, for greater security, to the State of Cam- 
pece to await the action of President Juarez. Our own govern- 
ment, under the circumstances, approved the action of Captain 
Roe. 

Afterwards Santa Anna was tried (for the fourth time) for 
treason and sentenced to death. This was commuted by Presi- 
dent Juarez to banishment for eight years ; but under the gen- 
eral amnesty of 1871, he was permitted to return, and passed 
the remaining five years of his life in obscurity in the City of 
Mexico. ' ' 

AFTER THE EMPIRE 

After serving out his term of office, in 1871, against the 
advice of his friends, Benito Juarez was again candidate for the 
presidency. Against him were the same two rival candidates 
as four years before — Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, and Porfirio 
Diaz. Juarez was elected by a small margin. Diaz pronounced 
and prepared to make armed resistance. Juarez had, however, 
served but a few months of his new term when stricken by ill- 
ness. On July 17 he was attacked by a heart disease and on 
the next day died. 

It is customary to recognize in the little Indian a truly great 
man. Both in Mexico and in foreign lands Benito Juarez has 
been considered a valiant fighter for democratic principles and 
a great ruler. Only now and then does one hear a voice of 



206 THE LITTLE INDIAN 

depreciation. A brilliant writer in Mexico, Francisco Bnlnes, 
some years ago, wrote a book nnder the title of El Verdadero 
Juares (The True Juarez), in which he attacks the Indian presi- 
dent. People generally, however, in Mexico, revere him. He 
comes very near the common man. His Indian blood, his pov- 
erty, his simplicity gave him a strong hold upon the general 
public. It was his Indian characteristics which made him great. 
The splendid and costly monument erected to him in Mexico's 
centennial was justified. Little else of the great expense 
involved in that celebration would be so willingly contributed by 
a consulted public. 



FAILTJEE OF EMPIEE 

GUTIEKEEZ DE ESTKADA EUKOPEAN INTERVENTION CONFERENCE OF 

ORIZABA PURPOSE OF FRANCE BATTLES OP PUEBLA INVITATION 

TO MAXIMILIAN FERDINAND MAXIMILIAN DECLINE OF EMPIRE 

DECREE OF OCTOBER 3, 1 865 THE END OF EMPIRE. 

FEOM 1821, when Mexico's independence was achieved, 
right on through the whole period of the republic, 
monarchical ideas were smouldering. That efforts should 
be made during the administration of Guadalupe Victoria to 
restore Spain's power was not strange. It was more strange 
that, in 1840, after twenty years of independence, a genuine 
argument in favor of monarchy should be presented. On the 
25th of August, a person of respectable position, well informed 
in public matters, and a clear thinker in political questions, 
Jose Maria Gutierrez de Estrada, addressed a letter to the presi- 
dent of the republic upon the necessity of seeking a possible 
remedy for the evils which afflicted .the nation. 

GUTIERREZ DE ESTRADA 

Gutierrez de Estrada was really an able man, who had been 
Minister of Foreign Affairs in Bustamante 's cabinet and a sena- 
tor of the republic. In this letter the author reviewed the at- 
tempts and failures of the Mexicans to rule themselves, and 
proposed the establishment of a monarchy under a European 
prince. His communication caused much feeling and aroused 
some wholesome discussion. It led to no serious action, but 
Gutierrez de Estrada presented his ideas ; and later on he had 
opportunity to act upon them. His proposition rendered him 
so unpopular that he was forced to retire to Europe where he 
lived for many years. In 1854 Santa Anna unquestionably 
planned to revive a monarchical government. He appointed 
Gutierrez de Estrada a special commissioner to negotiate with 

207 



208 



FAILURE OF EMPIRE 



the governments of France, England, Austria, and Spain, for 
the establishment of a European prince upon a Mexican throne. 
The proposition was made just before his own fall from power, 
and nothing came of it. Two years later, in 1856, Haro y 
Tamariz, who had been leading in the difficulties in the city of 
Puebla, was suspected of monarchical plotting, proposing either 




MIGUEL MIRAMON, GENERAL OF MAXIMILIAN, EXECUTED WITH HIM. 

to set himself or an Iturbide upon the throne. It was thus not 
absolutely a new idea which was presented when, in 1861, the 
Juarez government decreed suspension of payments for two 
years on the foreign debts. At this moment, the defeated reac- 
tionaries, acting through the Spanish Minister and General 
Almonte, and using the foreign debts as an excuse, were recom- 



FAILURE OF EMPIRE 



209 




ANTONIO PELAGIO DE LABASTIDA Y DAVALOy, ARCHBISHOP OF MEX- 
ICO' AND FRIEND OF MAXIMILIAN. 



210 FAILURE OF EMPIRE 

mending the establisliment of a European protectorate over 
Mexico. 

EUKOPEAN INTEKVElSTTIOlsr 

The decree suspending payments really gave ground for in- 
tervention. France and England broke off relations with 
Mexico. In the Treaty of London, France, England, and Spain 
united to bring pressure to bear on Mexico. They agreed to 
occupy Mexican territory temporarily, and to administer the 
customs-houses within the area of occupation in such a way as 
to pay out the claims of the three nations. The three were to 
act in actual conjunction, but the Spanish fleet with Spanish 
troops arrived at Vera Cruz in December, 1861, and made a 
landing. This was not according to the agreement. On January 
8, 1862, the French and English fleets appeared. The energetic 
efforts made by the Juarez government for defense have already 
been mentioned. 

A conference was arranged with the leaders of the interven- 
tion at Soledad, in the State of Vera Cruz. Manuel Doblado 
represented the Mexican government ably. He proved that the 
chief causes for complaint were matters for which the Juarez 
government was not responsible and which it intended to 
promptly adjust. Thus, the British representative complained 
that at one time, their legation in Mexico had been robbed of 
funds ; this had been done by General Marquez, who was at the 
time leading an insurrection against the government. One of the 
chief causes for Spanish intervention was the fact of assassina- 
tions of Spaniards; the Juarez government had taken steps to 
punish these outrages. Both the British and Spanish represen- 
tatives showed themselves reasonable, and were willing to 
accept the explanations offered and reach some sort of agree- 
ment with the Mexican government. It soon became evident 
that the French representative was less inclined to reach an 
understanding. The upshot of the meeting at Soledad was that 
the allies would recognize the Mexican government as constitu- 
tional and legitimate ; that they would occupy certain towns by 
permission ; that a further conference would be held at Orizaba 



FAILURE OF EMPIRE 211 

in the effort to adjust the matters in dispute ; that, if this con- 
ference should fail of reaching a satisfactory conclusion, the 
forces would be withdrawn to the places already occupied and 
matters should progress as might seem necessary. 

CONFEEEFCE OF OEIZABA 

At the second conference held at Orizaba, the French rep- 
resentative, Count de Saligny, refused to treat further, and 
announced the intention of his government to march upon the 
capital. Meantime, the French forces had been reinforced so 
that now more than 6,500 men were under arms on Mexican 
territory. With these forces were Mexicans who had been dis- 
turbers and in arms against the government. General Almonte, 
Padre Miranda, Haro y Tamariz, were among them. Under 
the protection of the French forces, Almonte even assumed the 
title of Provisional President of Mexico and issued manifestos, 
calling upon the Mexican people to overthrow the Juarez gov- 
ernment. It was now recognized by the English and Spanish 
commissioners that France was playing a part in the interven- 
tion not warranted by the treaty which the three nations had 
entered into in London. Juarez protested against the presence 
of the Mexican hostile leaders in the French camp. The Eng- 
lish and Spanish commissioners united in supporting his pro- 
test. The French paid no attention to these objections. Gen- 
eral Miramon attempted to join Almonte and the other Mexi- 
can discontents in the French camp, but Commodore Dunlop, 
of the British force, declared that, if he attempted to land, he 
would at once arrest him on account of his part in the robbery 
of the British legation — which, it will be remembered, was the 
chief cause of complaint on the part of the British government. 

PUKPOSE OF FRANCE 

As it was clear that France was bound to precipitate war 
with Mexico, and as neither Spain nor England was prepared 
to go to such an extent in pushing their claims, the English 
and Spanish troops were entirely withdrawn from the enter- 



212 FAILURE OF EMPIRE 

prise. The French were left alone in Mexico. Immediately- 
after the conference at Orizaba, the French general proclaimed 
a military dictatorship in Mexico with Almonte at its head. 
The French army was organized into two divisions, and an 
advance upon the capital ordered. One division was to proceed 
by way of Jalapa, the other by Orizaba. What sympathetic 
Mexican forces could be gathered were placed under the com- 
mand of Marquez, and joined the French in the advance. 

BATTLES OF PUEBLA 

Prominent among the military leaders of the republic were 
Generals Zaragoza, Escobedo, Comonfort, and Porfirio Diaz. 
A great battle took place on May 5, 1862, at Puebla. The Mexi- 
can army was under the leadership of Zaragoza, assisted by 
Porfirio Diaz. A brilliant victory was gained over the French 
forces, who were forced to withdraw to Orizaba. Forey, arriv- 
ing at this time with reinforcements, brought up the French 
forces to a total of 20,000 men. Acting under orders of 
Napoleon, he assumed the title of military dictator. Puebla 
was captured by the French forces in May, 1863, and Diaz was 
taken prisoner. He succeeded, however, in escaping. Juarez 
and his government withdrew to San Luis Potosi, and the army 
of intervention occupied the capital city on the 11th of June. 
Forey, together with Marquez, Almonte and de Saligny, organ- 
ized a supreme council which, in turn, named Almonte, Salas 
and Labastida — at that time in Europe — as a regency. 

INVITATION TO MAXIMILIAN 

A body known as the Assembly of Notables, numbering 231 
persons, was brought together in July, and on the tenth, passed 
an act establishing monarchy, and inviting the archduke, Maxi- 
milian, of Austria, to accept the throne. It is an interesting 
fact that Gutierrez de Estrada served upon the committee 
which waited upon Maximilian to present this invitation. 
Twenty-three years before, he had written his famous letter, 
urging the establishment of a monarchical government. Forey 



FAILURE OF EMPIRE 213 

and de Saligny were recalled to France, and Marshal Bazaine 
was sent to take charge of the French soldiers and to prepare 
the country for Maximilian's coming. He proceeded to effect- 
ively occupy the country, depending upon Marquez and Mejia 
as his chief generals. The republican forces were scattered. 
The only serious body of men in arms was in the south in charge 
of Diaz. The government retreated to Saltillo, then to Monte- 
rey. When Maximilian was invited to accept the throne, he 
demanded proof that the Mexicans really wanted him as ruler, 
and also asked for guarantees of protection of his throne. Mar- 
shal Bazaine sent him a certificate which seemed to represent 
a general demand on the part of Mexican citizens for his com- 
ing ; and while Napoleon did not actually guarantee protection, 
he gave satisfactory assurance of his intention to support the 
newly established throne. 

FEEDIISrAND MAXIMILIAIST 

At this time, the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, was 
thirty-one years of age. He had been interested in military and 
naval affairs and had been at the head of the Austrian navy. 
He was a man of scientific and artistic tastes, and wrote several 
books which show some literary ability. In 1857 he married 
Charlotte, sister of Leopold II, King of Belgium. He was a man 
of good impulses, but vain and extravagant in personal expendi- 
tures. In accepting the crown of Mexico, there is no question 
that he believed he was doing a kindness to that country, and 
that he entered upon the experiment of government with high 
ideals and noble purposes. His brother, emperor of the Austro- 
Hungarian empire, disapproved the movement, but the arch- 
duke was firm in his resolve. On April 8, 1864, he signed a com- 
pact whereby he relinquished all his rights of succession to the 
Austrian throne. On April 10th, the committee of the Assem- 
bly of Notables waited upon him and presented the formal offer 
of imperial power. He accepted the invitation, and took a for- 
mal oath in his palace of Miramar ; the Mexican flag was furled, 
salutes fired, and great enthusiasm shown. Soon after he and 



214 FAILUEE OF EMPIRE 

his beautiful wife embarked for Mexico, and arrived at Vera 
Cruz May 29, 1864. He was met at that port by Almonte, presi- 
dent of the regency, and their progress to the capital city was 
a continuous ovation. At every town of consequence through 
which they passed triumphal arches and decorations had been 
prepared and public functions were carried through. After 
Maximilian reached his capital, Juarez retreated still further 
north, stopping for a time at Chihuahua, but falling back ulti- 
mately to Paso del Norte. 

DECLINE OF EMPIKE 

It is unnecessary for us to go into the details of Maximilian's 
rule. It was brilliant, extravagant, ill-adapted to the condi- 
tions of the country. It was very sad to see the eiforts which 
the really well-meaning man made to gain the sympathies and 
affections of his new subjects. He soon found that even his 
own supporters were disorganized and quarreling. His desire 
to placate the liberal leaders and bring them to his side caused 
great dissatisfaction to his own followers. Himself an ardent 
Catholic, he was soon in open rupture with the church party: 
the clericals were far from satisfied because he left the laws 
of the reform in operation. It was a wise move on his part, 
as he saw how sadly the nation had suffered from the absorp- 
tion of wealth and power by the Church. So strong, however, 
was the feeling of dissatisfaction of the clericals that the 
papal nuncio withdrew from Mexico. More and more Maxi- 
milian discovered that the certificate which had been sent him, 
showing a strong demand on the part of the Mexican people 
for his coming, did not actually represent the national feeling. 
His party was in reality a small one, and experience soon showed 
that its friendship was not to be depended upon. Marshal 
Bazaine of course represented his chief hope. At first there 
seemed to have been most friendly relations between them, but 
with the passage of time, Bazaine 's interest in the experiment 
waned, and his personal support weakened. The United States, 
which had recognized the authority of Juarez when he was in 



FAILURE OF EMPIRE 215 

Vera Cruz in 1861, continued to recognize him as the only legal 
head of Mexican affairs. While this attitude was, at the moment 
of Maximilian's arrival in Mexico, of no great importance, it 
became more so when the War of the Rebellion was finished. 
Europe of course had anticipated a different outcome of our 
civil war. England, France, and Germany, all expected that 
the South would gain the victory, and that the Confederate 
States were to be counted on in future politics. The sympathy 
of England and France was distinctly with the southern states. 
Had the Confederacy succeeded, it is probable that the most 
friendly relations would have existed between its government 
and the Mexican Empire. When, however, the southern cause 
proved to be a lost one, affairs looked very different. All 
through the war, Washington had made known to France its dis- 
approval of the intervention business; no attention had been 
paid to its representations. Now that the war was over, the 
United States firmly announced to France that she had tres- 
passed on the Monroe Doctrine; it demanded the withdrawal 
of French troops without delay and the cessation of coloniza- 
tion. It sent a military officer of high rank to Paso del Norte 
as an adviser to Juarez and located an army on the Mexican 
frontier. Napoleon saw the hopelessness of further interfer- 
ence and began to act upon our demands. 

THE DECEEE OF OCTOBER 3, 1 865 

Maximilian saw of course that his chief support was fail- 
ing. The same objections that had been made to the presence 
of French soldiers might with equal propriety apply to any 
Belgian or Austrian soldiers who might be in the country. He 
knew that reliance upon the Mexican army was dangerous. The 
desperate situation of affairs no doubt was responsible for his 
passing the famous decree of October 3, 1865, which was blood- 
thirsty in its nature, and condemned to death all who should 
be found bearing arms against his government, or supplying 
arms or material for war. The issuance of the decree was bad 
enough; it was, however, actually enforced, and some officers 



216 



FAILURE OF EMPIRE 




FAILURE OF EMPIRE 217 

of the republican forces were executed. This was a fatal 
blunder on the part of the unfortunate ruler. It called forth 
protest from 200 Belgian prisoners who were held by liberal 
forces at Tacambaro. They stated in their communication to 
the Emperor that they had come to Mexico solely to act as a 
guard of honor to their empress, and that they had been forced 
to fight against principles identical with their own. As the 
French troops were gradually withdrawn, and prisoners were 
exchanged with the republican government, courage on the 
part of Mexican patriots of course increased. As the French 
forces abandoned ground, the republican troops advanced to 
occupy. Bazaine, who considered the case hopeless, strongly 
advised the abdication of the emperor. Maximilian hesitated, 
was in uncertainty. Juarez came south from Paso del Norte to 
Chihuahua. Victories began to be gained; Escobedo captured 
Monterey and Alteo. Carlota hurried to Europe in the hope of 
enlisting the further assistance of Napoleon and of the Head 
of the Church, but all in vain. Maximilian, who had left the 
city of Mexico, called a council at Orizaba and submitted the 
question of his abdication to it in November, 1866. After a 
discussion, he was advised by a small majority to remain in 
power. The Church party, which had been alienated, offered its 
support. In his efforts to placate the public and win liberal 
leaders to his support, Maximilian had thought it profitable 
to send Marquez and Miramon on foreign missions. Eeturning 
now, at this crisis, there were put in charge of imperial forces. 
The imperial government was located at Queretaro. 

THE END OF EMPIRE 

In November, Escobedo, with 15,000 soldiers, advanced 
upon Queretaro and laid siege to the city. Matters became des- 
perate. Just as an escape had be«n arranged for the unfortunate 
emperor, one of his trusted lieutenants, Miguel Lopez, betrayed 
the plan to the independent forces, and showed a method of en- 
tering the city quietly by night. His plan was followed, and the 
city captured on May 15th. The emperor and General Mejia 



218 FAIIiURE OF EMPIRE 

barely escaped capture and took refuge on a little Hll Iknown 
as Cerro de las Campanas. Here they were attacked and finally 
surrendered. A trial took place in the Teatro de Iturbide, and 
Ferdinando Maximiliano, Miguel Miramon, and Tomas Mejia 
were found guilty of filibuster, treason, and the issuance of the 
decree of October 3, 1865. In this trial the well known advocate, 
Eiva Palacio, made a masterly defense, and was assisted by 
skilful lawyers; it was in vain. After the sentence of death 
had been passed, he personally went to San Luis Potosi to 
plead with Juarez to spare the Emperor's life. The Princess 
Salm-Salm, who had been conspicuous in the emperor's court, 
did the same. The United States sent in a protest. All was of 
no avail, and at seven in the morning of June 19th, the execution 
of Maximilian and his two generals took place upon the Cerro 
de las Campanas. 



MATEEIAL PEOGEESS 

RAILEOAD DEVELOPMENT MISTAKES THE TEHUANTEPEC RAILWAY 

FOKEIGISr CONTROL HARBOR IMPROVEMENT THE DRAINAGE 

CANAL ^INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT POST OFFICE AND OPERA 

HOUSE. 

NO ONE denies that in many lines of material progress 
much was achieved under Porfirio Diaz. He was a man 
of force, ideas, and clear sight. When he came into 
power, his first problem was to deal with the financial conditions 
of the country. They were desperate. A definite policy was 
necessary. He pursued rigid economy, cutting out every un- 
necessary expense and reducing public administration to the 
minimum compatible with efficiency. Improvement was mrde 
even during his first term of office. In his later terms, the 
national debt was consolidated, the rate of interest paid upon 
it was reduced, the problem of the depreciation of silver was 
solved, and the income of the country enormously increased. 
Whatever criticisms one may make of Limantour, there is no 
question of this real improvement. From a nation which had 
been looked upon as bankrupt, Mexico was raised to one with 
high credit in foreign lands. Year by year the scale of both 
income and expenditure increased enormously. During the later 
years of the Porfirian regime, the government account books 
showed a regular surplus of income over expenditure. 

RAILROAD DEVELOPMENT 

He has been famous for his encouragement of the develop- 
ment of railways. It may be said that practically the entire 
system of railroad lines in the republic was developed during 
the period of his administration. When he first came into 
power, there was almost nothing except the Mexican Eailway, 
from Vera Cruz to the capital city. To-day there are approxi- 
mately ten thousand miles. This is creditable even though there 

219 



220 ■ MATERIAL PROGRESS 

are some criticisms to be made. Through a considerable por- 
tion of the period of railroad development in Mexico, liberal 
subsidies were paid to the constructors. This is not the place 
to consider the question of the legitimacy of paying subsidies 
to private railway companies, but it is certain that subsidies 
should never be more in amount than to serve as an encourage- 
ment of the construction ; there have been times when subsidies 
paid to Mexican railways exceeded the amount necessary for 
their construction. When the Mexican National Railway was 
laid down, it received a subsidy per mile of track so liberal that 
there was large money in making the line between two cities as 
long as possible instead of short. After that railway really be- 
came a going concern, conducted as a railway, it was forced to 
spend a large portion of its earnings in shortening the line. 
The large subsidies were a bonanza for the original construct- 
ors; they proved a curse for the practical enterprise. 

MISTAKES OF DEVELOPMENT 

Most of the Mexican railways were constructed by foreign 
capital and with reference to the convenience and plans of for- 
eigners- The ideal network of railroads in Mexico would be 
one which radiated out from the capital city and which rendered 
connection between that city and every portion of the republic 
easy, prompt, and convenient. It was the last thing thought of. 
Only a few years ago, if Mexico had had serious trouble with 
the United States, bodies of soldiers could have been thrown 
into points of crucial importance much more easily from Wash- 
ington than from the City of Mexico. In fact, they could not 
have been better devised, if planned for the conquest of Mexico. 
American soldiers could have occupied the west coast, the Gulf, 
and the highland of the interior more promptly and conveni- 
ently than Mexican soldiery. Only toward the very end of the 
Diaz regime did it seem to dawn upon those in power that they 
had been blind to the actual necessities and interests of the 
country in this matter. 



MATERIAL PROGRESS 



221 




*-uujn„liua b^ ( iKleiuuo.l 



MAKING COFFEE BAGS, SANTA GERTEUDIS, NEAR OEIZABA. 
MANUFACTURING DEVELOPED NOTABLY UNDER PORFIRIO DIAZ. 



222 MATERIAL PROGRESS 



THE TEHUANTEPEC KAILWAY 



During the term of office of Manuel Gonzales, Porfirio Diaz, 
as governor of the State of Oaxaca, undertook the construction 
of the Tehuantepec Eailway. It was a short line connecting 
the gulf port of Coatzacoalcos with the Pacific port, Salina Cruz. 
Its construction at that time seemed to have been premature. 
At all events, it had little business, was neglected, and fell com- 
|)letely into dilapidation. Much later on, its serious value and 
l^ignificance again became evident and its reintegration was 
undertaken. In connection with it, went the development of the 
two terminal ports. In this great work, Porfirio Diaz united the 
Mexican government and the great English firm of S. Pearson. 
An enormous expenditure for the improvement of the ports and 
the development of the railroad was made, and it extended over 
a long period of years. This development has taken place, and 
to-day the Tehuantepec Eailroad is one of the most important 
enterprises in the republic. Properly conducted, it should 
render the Panama Canal a matter of no serious commercial 
importance. Notwithstanding the disadvantages of loading 
and unloading involved in transferring freight from steamers to 
railroad, and vice versa, the shortness of the freight journey 
by way of the Tehuantepec Railway gives the enterprise a great 
practical advantage. 



FOEEIGN CONTEOL 



In course of time, considerable disaffection arose in Mexico 
over the fact that the railroads of the country were largely 
foreign enterprises. It was felt that they not only were taking 
money from the country, but that they introduced great num- 
bers of foreign employees. The result was, that considerable 
agitation took place in the direction of the nationalization of 
the railways. Undoubtedly in the beginning there was consid- 
erable patriotism in the idea. In the early agitation it was an 
anti-foreign feeling and a fear lest foreign interests would in- 
terfere in the affairs of the country that gave the impulse to 
the taking over of the roads. When, however, the nationaliza- 



MATEEIAL PROGRESS 223 

tion actually took place, these motives had disappeared or 
became secondary; the nationalization, instead of freeing 
Mexico from the clutch of the outsider, really betrayed her more 
fully to it; more than that, it was an opportunity for graft 
rarely, if ever, surpassed. 

HAEBOR IMPROVEMENTS 

One of the most important of the lines of material progress 
under Porfirio Diaz was the improvement of the national 
harbors. Improvement at Tampico was undertaken when 
Porfirio Diaz was in the cabinet of Manuel Gonzales as Minis- 
ter of Fomento. In the old days Tampico was a place of small 
significance ; located near the mouth of the Panuco River, it was 
accessible to vessels of small draught only in favorable condi- 
tions of the weather. Ships drawing more than nine feet could 
never be sure of entrance, on account of the formation of sand- 
bars at the river's mouth in connection with gulf storms. The 
improvements at Tampico were planned by American engineers 
and largely carried out by our people ; to-day the mouth of the 
Panuco river is at all times open to the entrance of vessels 
drawing even as much as twenty or twenty-two feet. As a re- 
sult, the city of Tampico has grown by leaps and bounds; its 
business, both of import and of export, has developed 
handsomely. 

Since those days, great improvements have been made in all 
the other important harbors of Mexico on both coasts. Many 
millions of dollars were spent during the Diaz administration 
on the port of Vera Cruz. The harbor of Coatzacoalcos, in con- 
nection with the development of the Tehuantepec Railway, has 
been enormously bettered ; it is now called Puerto Mexico. At 
the other end of the Tehuantepec Railroad, the Pacific port of 
Salina Cruz has been practically created. Other Pacific ports, 
as those of Mazatlan and Manzanillo, have been developed 
beyond recognition. No one can find fault with these notable 
improvements of the national harbors. They are examples of 



224 MATERIAL PROGRESS 

enlightened progressivism, and so far as they are free from 
graft, are only to be approved. 

THE DEAINAGE CANAL 

In the direction of public utility, many important enterprises 
were carried through. Preeminent among these is the famous 
drainage canal of the valley of Mexico. In the olden time, the 
lakes in the valley of Mexico were subject to serious overflow. 
With this overflow the city was subject to frightful inundation, 
with resulting loss of life, property, and subsequent disease. 
During the three hundred years of Spanish rule, the problem 
was a serious one, and many efforts were made toward its solu- 
tion. The great cut of Nochistongo remains as an impressive 
monument of such endeavors. In the cutting of the great tun- 
nel of Nochistongo years of time, millions of dollars, hundreds 
of lives were demanded ; when it was finished, it was not a com- 
plete solution of the difficulty. Things were improved, but inun- 
dation of the city still took place at times with all its frightful 
losses. 

INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

The drainage canal, however, undertaken and carried 
through to completion under Porfirio Diaz, has satisfactorily 
settled the problem, and to-day the city is free from danger of 
floods. The drainage canal is but one of many enterprises for 
public advantage to be credited to the past regime. Many 
institutions of philanthropy, education, and betterment were 
due to the Porfirian administration. These are generally called 
to the notice of the foreign visitor. Among them are such things 
as the general hospital, the national penitentiary, and the 
geological institute. The only question in regard to all such 
institutions is the degree to which the nation's needs demand 
them and to which the economic conditions of the nation war- 
rant them. There is, and should be, no limits to their develop- 
ment except these. The national penitentiary is often said to be 
the most complete and perfect building of its kind. If this is 



MATERIAL PROGRESS 225 

true, so much the worse that in the same city Belem exists. Is 
there in any portion of the civilized world a fouler blot in the 
way of a punitive institution? It would be much better to have 
a decent average between the two than to have such sharply 
contrasted extremes. Many of the same visitors to whom the 
national penitentiary was shown while they were in the capital 
city could not fail to see San Juan de Ulua as they sailed away 
from the harbor of Vera Cruz. Those who have actually visited 
the dripping lower vaults in it, have much to think of. So far 
as the geological institute is concerned, the only question is to 
what degree it serves its purpose to the advantage of the nation. 
All such institutions are warranted when they are freely voted 
by a thinking people who are willing to tax themselves to the 
extent necessary for their foundation and support. It would 
be difficult to find any section of the United States which would 
be willing so to tax itself for the support of an institution of 
pure science. 

POSTOFFICE AND OPEEA HOUSE 

It was under Porfirio Diaz that such splendid examples of 
national advancement in civilization, art, and culture were con- 
structed as the city postoffice and national opera house. Botli 
are splendid buildings of marble. Either of them would be 
creditable in the capital city of the richest nations on the 
globe. They evidence clearly that a certain class in Mexico 
knows what is fine, beautiful, impressive, artistic. So far as 
Mexico is concerned, the splendid postoffice building and the 
national opera house exist for two reasons, and two reasons 
only. First,- they are intended to impress the pubhc and the 
foreign world with the advancement of the nation. They may 
serve their purpose to deceive outsiders, but they deceive 
nobody within. Buildings costing one-fifth as much would serve 
legitimate ends fully as well. So far as the national opera house 
is concerned, it is doubtful whether a people should be taxed 
for the support of an institution which, in its very nature, min- 
isters to the needs and pleasure of an extremely small element 



226 MATERIAL PROGRESS 

of the population. Even in an empire such, a building is ques- 
tionable ; in a republic it is out of place. Secondly, these splen- 
did buildings exist in Mexico because they furnished superb 
opportunities for graft. Whatever it may have cost to build 
them, it is certain that the people paid far more. The opera 
house is yet unfinished. E^stimates regarding its cost vary. 
Probably it has already demanded an expenditure of 11,000,000 
pesos; the end is not yet in sight. It is improbable that it can 
be finished at a less total outlay than 15,000,000 pesas. That 
means that a tax of one peso upon the total population, man, 
woman, and child is represented by it. Such an expenditure is 
in itself ridiculous. But the worst feature of the whole thing is 
that every one realizes that many have grown rich upon that 
single building — and there is still chance for several modest 
fortunes to be made before the finishing touches are put upon it. 
It is these things in the direction of material progress which 
have most impressed the visitor to Mexico. Seeing them, he 
has returned to his own country sounding high praises for the 
neighboring republic. Because of them, Porfirio Diaz has been 
lauded. Were such things associated with a steady rise in gen- 
eral cotmfort, they would indeed be causes for congratulation. 
If, with the marked material advancement of the country in 
showy lines, there had been equal progress in the condition of 
the people, the name of Porfirio Diaz would unquestionably be 
entitled to all praise. 



AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 

TWO PHASES IN THE DIAZ REGIME MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT THE 

CIENTIFICOS LIMANTOUR AFTER DIAZ, WHAT ? BERNARDO REYES 

^A CHANGE IN PROGRAM REYES VERSUS LIMANTOUR RAMON 

CORRAL ENTERS— HIS CHARACTER ^RETIREMENT AND EXILE OF 

REYES THE END OF REYES. 

TWENTY years ago it was a common question. Every one 
was praising Diaz as a great rnler, a constructive states- 
man. But there was fear lest, when the iron hand was 
lifted, chaos would come and anarchy. The question was asked 
with most anxiety of course by foreigners, especially Americans, 
who were putting time and strength, money and energy into 
Mexican enterprises. 

TWO PHASES IN THE DIAZ REGIME 

A Mexican writer has said that the old regime must be divided 
into two periods if it is to be well understood. ' ' The first period 
covers the personal administration of General Diaz from the 
time when he was elected for the second term President of the 
Republic up to the moment in which that opportunist party was 
formed which was called partido cientifico, no one knows why. 
The second period covers the time from the moment when this 
party began to influence politics until its abuses and deficiencies 
gave rise to the armed protest of public opinion. The first period 
merits only praise. The blemishes, which might mar, disappear 
in the splendor which the country attained in that so happy epoch. 
The second offers a sinister picture of demoralization such as the 
most benevolent of historians will never be able to dissimulate." 
It is really well to clearly distinguish and sharply contrast the 
two periods recognized by the Mexican author. 

MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT 

It is indeed possible to give too much praise to Porfirio Diaz 
for the material development and progress made by his country 

227 



228 AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 

under his administration. The question may well be asked 
whether material development and progress could have been 
delayed ; whether it would not have necessarily taken place under 
a much less able ruler. It is not true that the material develop- 
ment of Mexico has been a phenomenon; other Latin America 
republics have made similar development, and yet have had no 
man of iron, no Porfirio Diaz. Argentina, Uruguay, Chili, are 
better developed, and on the whole more safely, than Mexico. 
Still we are willing to give the old man credit for his railroads, 
telegraph systems, and works of public improvement. The same 
writer already quoted, says: ''The country finds itself crossed 
in many directions by the iron trackings, some of very doubtful 
utility, as well as a vast telegraphic net ; the postal service is one 
of the most perfect of the world ; there have been accomplished 
good port improvements, and most important drainage systems. 
— Better, however, would have responded to the exigencies of 
progress, less railroad and more good trails ; less costly railways 
and more cart-roads accessible to traffic; less of sumptuous pal- 
aces in the capital city and more of rural wealth and culture." 

THE CIEN'TIFICOS 

The cientificos were, for the most part, men of ability. They 
had no actual organization ; within the group there were lesser 
groups which viewed each other with hostility and suspicion. 
They had no organization, no meetings, no announced platform. 
They were shrewd, ambitious, heartless schemers, who sur- 
rounded the President and lived upon him. In so far as the group 
had a leader, it was Limantour. He was the center. To a large 
degree he was the brains. In so far as the body recognized any 
adviser, it recognized Jose Yves Limantour. In the last cabinet 
of President Diaz — ^before the revolution of Madero precipitated 
changes — there were at least three badly defined cliques of diver- 
gent interests. No one of them was strong enough to enter the 
open field and struggle for supremacy and leadership. To 
attempt to do so was certain suicide. The cientificos recognized 
the lack, and their only actual bond of interest was to perpetuate 



AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 229 

the old man in power. He recognized that he ought to leave the 
presidency ; he was afraid to do so, knowing that his disappear- 
ance would bring about a struggle between the elements sur- 
rounding him. They brought their whole influence to bear upon 
him to keep him in his chair, well knowing that the moment he 
gave up control, their period of plundering the people would 
come to an immediate end. In his last years of office the Presi- 
dent was afraid of his ministers, morally, politically, physically. 
His son said to a friend of mine who brought a matter of interest 
to his attention, asking that he present the matter to his father : 
**My father is afraid of his ministers; he does what they say 
he must do, he does nothing which they disapprove." It was a 
sad sight to see the man of iron so weakened by the rust of age. 

LIMANTOUR 

Jose Yves Limantour was for many years the Secretary of the 
Treasury in Mexico. On the occasion of my first visit to the 
capital city, a friend at whose house I visited spoke in high 
praise of the man's ability and devotion to his country. He was 
said to accept no salary as Secretary of the Treasury. Liman- 
tour at that time was not a man of wealth ; if he had been it is 
doubtful whether it would be commendable for him to serve his 
country without a salary. Every public servant is entitled to 
reasonable compensation for his service, if it is good service ; no 
country can ever be in such desperate financial straits that it can- 
not afford to pay faithful public officers just salaries. The duty 
of such officers is to earn their money and to receive it, using it 
as they would any other honest income. We have said that 
Limantour was not a rich man when he went into the Department 
of the Treasury ; yet, before much time had passed in office, he 
is said to have erected a 300,000-pe5o mansion upon the Paseo 
de la Reforma. He gained a great reputation as a financier. 
When he came into office, the country had entered upon a period 
of prosperity; there was an annual surplus in the treasury, but it 
was exhausted in paying the accumulated interest charges upon 
the national debt. Limantour went to London and arranged the 



230 APTER DIAZ, WHAT? 

matter of the debt to the satisfaction of the creditors and the 
advantage of his nation. It was really an achievement of conse- 
quence. But it was highly overestimated. It was under Liman- 
tour that the Mexican government reformed its currency in 
order to escape the disastrous fluctuations in exchange which 
rendered business enterprises uncertain. He dealt with the 
problem fairly well, but it is one which has been solved as satis- 
factorily in various other countries, and it is not certain that he 
deserves the high credit which he has received. It is not our 
intention to detract from the genuine praise which he deserves ; 
we only wish to emphasize the fact that Mexico, the world, Presi- 
dent Diaz, and Limantour himself took him too seriously and 
exaggerated his importance as a financier and political economist. 

AFTER DIAZ_, WHAT? 

After Diaz, what ? Years ago a man who had resided in Mex- 
ico for many years asked me the question. I at once replied, 
*' Bernardo Reyes." My interlocutor queried: "Who is Ber- 
nardo Reyes?" I refused to tell him, as he was a resident of 
years in Mexico. Months afterwards he wrote me: ''I know 
now who Bernardo Reyes is. You are right. After Diaz, Ber- 
nardo Reyes." At that time President Diaz had just summoned 
Governor Bernardo Reyes from Monterey, the capital of his 
State of Nuevo Leon, and made him Minister of War in his 
Cabinet. 

BERNAEDO REYES 

At that time Porfirio Diaz intended that Bernardo Reyes 
should succeed him. He made him understand that fact ; he made 
those associated with him in government realize the fact; he 
accustomed the people to look to Reyes. Reyes had qualities. 
On the whole, he had not been a bad governor. During his admin- 
istration his capital city had made great improvement — in 
appearance, utilities, hygiene, education. He did away with the 
whole vicious system of jefes politicos. Further in his favor, it 
was to be said that he was not really a cientifico. We have already 



AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 231 

stated that that group had no organization, no officers, no real 
adviser. As one associated with the president, he was with the 
cientificos, but he was not one among them. In constant dealings 
with them, he never committed himself to the interests of any 
one of the jealous and suspicious schemers. He was a man apart. 

A CHANGE IN PROGEAM 

In 1901 Porfirio Diaz had a mysterious illness ; he retired to 
Cuernavaca, and it was given out that his condition was serious. 
All sorts of guesses were made as to his trouble. Some were 
doubtful and believed that the old man was practicing one of his 
favorite tactics. Not infrequently, when he wished to find out 
whether plots were being hatched against him, Porfirio Diaz 
made some pretense of physical or other difiS,culties ; under such 
circumstances, if a conspiracy was actually on foot, some signs 
of it appeared. The old man would immediately suppress it 
without difficulty. On this occasion, however, public opinion 
generally believed that the old man was dying, and anxiety pre- 
vailed regarding his successor. Bernardo Reyes was publicly 
considered to be already in power, when President Diaz came 
back from Cuernavaca. Whether his illness was serious or 
feigned, whether, as many believed, he came near death through 
poison, he was somewhat piqued that people had so easily sup- 
plied his place. 

Shortly after his return, he presented a bill to congress for 
action. He desired authority at will to appoint any one he pleased 
to take his place in case of death, disability, or absence from the 
country. For many years congress had been complaisant to 
every wish of the great dictator. On this occasion they hesitated 
and quibbled; for the first time in many years the president 
found himself opposed. The point made by congress was that it 
would be much better for the position of Vice-President to be 
restored and for a definite Vice-President to be elected at the 
same time with the President, to take his place in case of 
necessity. 



232 



AFTER DIAZ, WHAT 




P 



w 



Ph 



AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 233 

EEYES VEESUS LIMAFTOUR 

It was now realized quite generally that the President himself 
was not likely to appoint Reyes as his successor. He had been 
greatly impressed by the work of Limantour ; he had come to feel 
that the money problem was the great question before the nation ; 
his views had changed; it was believed that what he wanted was 
to name Limantour in place of Reyes. A furore of excitement 
rose in Mexico. Politics became popular. Not only outside 
thinkers, but the cientificos themselves divided. There were 
definite parties for Reyes and Limantour — there were Reyesistas 
and Limantouristas. The fight between the two men waxed warm. 
The opposition journals brought up the question whether Liman- 
tour was really a citizen of the republic, and therefore eligible 
for the position of vice-president or president ; his father was a 
citizen of France, and while Limantour himself was born in 
Mexico, his father ever continued to pride himself upon his being 
a foreigner, a Frenchman. It was also claimed that Limantour 
was a Jew; this in Mexico means much. President Diaz was 
absolutely afraid to push the matter to an issue. He felt that he 
could not force Limantour upon the people ; he determined that 
his old favorite, Reyes, should not win against his candidate. 

RAMON CORRAL ENTERS 

The result of the whole movement was the reestablishment 
of the vice-presidency. Bernardo Reyes was removed from the 
cabinet and returned to Monterey, as governor of his state. A 
new candidate was substituted for the two who had been strug- 
gling for the office. It was Ramon Corral, Governor of the State 
of Sonora. The acquaintance between Diaz and Corral was one 
of old date. Corral was hated as few men in Mexico. This hatred 
was partly due to his supplanting the popular idol— for Bernardo 
Reyes had been a populf^r idol ; it was partly because he would 
clearly be the continuator of President Diaz' attitude and 
methods ; it was partly because he represented the brutal type of 
vulgar exploiters of the people, the grafter, which the cientificos 



234 AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 

had made so well known. Under him there would be no hope, and 
the frightful exploitation of the country would be continued. 
While a man with force, with few friends and uncertain affilia- 
tions, he was to President Diaz a most subservient assistant. His 
loyalty was genuine, but it was associated with a cringing yield- 
ing hard to understand in a man so harsh and firm to all other 
persons. 

HIS CHAKACTER 

The author already quoted says in regard to Ramon Corral : 
"The motives which General Diaz had for fixing himself upon 
Sehor Corral, are not well known ; it is said that they were great 
friends which, though certain, is not sufficient reason why the 
President should seek him as his probable successor in command. 
It is'also said that his candidacy had been little less than forced 
by Yankee diplomacy which counted upon a good ally in Don 
Eamon Corral, connected already in his private business with 
great North American enterprises. Nor is it improbable, from 
the energetic character which Senor Corral showed that he 
possessed that, while governor of the State of Sonora, he 
promised to Don Porfirio Diaz that his policy of peace and change 
from brutal oppression would be continued by him. He was 
elected vice-president against public opinion which did not see in 
him a man of the necessary talents and prestige for so delicate a 
charge, apart from the repugnance with which they saw a 
governor, product of the double insistence of General Diaz and of 
the government at Washington. ' ' 

RETIEEMENT AND EXILE OF REYES 

Bernardo Reyes returned to Monterey and resumed the gov- 
ernorship of his state of Neuvo Leon. He there had some excit- 
ing times ; there were local disturbances — attributed by many to 
influences from the capital city. However, the ex-minister of 
war attended to business, and emerged from his difficulties with 
fair credit. As the elections of 1910 approached, he was much 
talked of as candidate for vice-president. A strong movement 



AFTER DIAZ, WHAT ? 235 

was started by his friends in Ms favor. No doubt in a fair election 
he would have stood considerable chance of being elected. It is 
even possible that, under such circumstances, he might have stood 
as candidate for a yet higher office. Personal ambition, loyalty 
to principles, a spirit of high patriotism — all urged him to accept 
the nomination and lead the movement. But he vacillated; he 
finally printed a manifesto; publicly and privately he told his 
friends that he would do nothing against the wishes of the 
president. He could not have done a less wise thing; whatever 
damage his candidacy could do had already been accomplished ; 
his friends and followers were left in a sad plight. His patron, 
the friend for whose wishes he expressed such high regard, was 
already hostilized. In disgrace he was sent to Europe on a mili- 
tary mission. Everybody knew that it was actually exile. 

THE END OF EEYES 

Yet the public had become accustomed to the thought — After 
Diaz, Reyes. When his power was tottering near its crash, Diaz 
telegraphed for his old favorite. Who knows what hopes he 
cherished in that hour of desperation ? Reyes lingered in Havana, 
and finally arrived in Vera Cruz by the same steamer Ypiringa, 
by which the ex-president left the Republic. Reyes, humbled, 
went to Mexico. He entered into compact with de la Barra and 
Francisco I. Madero. He agreed that true patriotism required 
his falling into line with existing conditions, and promised not to 
interfere with the natural course of things in the coming election. 
Afterwards he changed his mind, probably under the influence of 
some supporters of the old regime, who believed that he might 
still retain much of his one-time popularity, and entered the lists 
as a presidential candidate in the fall of 1911. He was stoned 
upon the streets; the popular idol had hopelessly fallen; his 
irresolution and weakening when the people demanded his leader- 
ship on two occasions had chilled the popular affections. Politi- 
cally, as a military leader, as a man, he had lost his hold. His 
candidacy counted for nothing. With Madero 's ascent to power, 
he fled to the United States ; there he still dreamed of power, and 



236 



AFTER DIAZ, WHAT ' 




AFTER DIAZ, WHAT' 



237 




I'Moto. by Paul Tliompsnn. N. Y 



BEENAEDO EEYES. 



238 AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 

organized a revolution. He is said to have issued various mani- 
festos, and a revolutionary plan. In December, 1911, he crossed 
again into Mexico. He expected an uprising in his favor ; he felt 
sure that thousands would rally to his call. No one rallied to him. 
With a few friends and servants, he wandered at night, seeking 
his promised supporters, and finally, worn out and hopeless, 
surrendered himself at Linares, December 25th. It was a sad 
Christmas for the man who, at one time, was expected to be the 
president of Mexico. In his surrender Eeyes said: ''With my 
presentation in Linares, my public life comes to an end, and my 
actual existence is placed at the disposition of legal action ; but 
under this conception I have worked as I have done because I 
judge myself powerless to make a regular war which will give 
results; I have accepted, then, this sacrifice with the end of 
avoiding the prolongation of sterile revolts in the Eepublic. ' ' 

General Reyes was tried and sentenced to the Santiago prison 
in the City of Mexico. 



A VOICE IN THE WILDEENESS 

''BAEBAKOUS MEXICO '^ ^A FLOOD OF ANSWEK TUENEK's BOOK TEUE 

LAND CONFISCATION ^PLANTATION SLAVEEY IN YUCATAN VALLE 

NACIONAL THE EAILWAY DEAL ^AMEEICAN PAETNEESHIP WITH 

DIAZ WEAK POINTS IN '^BAEBAEOUS MEXICO/' 

ON ACCOUNT of the material prosperity which seemed to 
prevail, and the great progress which Mexico seemed 
to have made under the government of Porfirio Diaz, 
there was constant adulation of the great man. Foreigners 
particularly were fond of speaking of him as a great states- 
man, a wise ruler, and a constructive administrator. His per- 
sonal character was praised in terms of fulsome flattery. It 
was rare indeed that any voice was raised in protest, or any 
word of criticism was to be heard. 

BAEBAEOUS MEXICO 

In 1909, however, there appeared in several numbers of the 
American Magazine articles by John Kenneth Turner. They 
created a veritable sensation. They were a vigorous assault 
upon Diaz personally, and upon his whole political and economic 
system, and upon the partnership which it was asserted existed 
between the great dictator and the American Government. The 
series had been begun with a great flourish of trumpets; but, 
after a few of the articles were printed, the publishers of the 
magazine decided to discontinue them. This could not possibly 
have been because the public were not interested in them; nor 
was it because the facts which they contained were false; nor 
was it because the man had exhausted his field of study; nor 
because the publishers were finding that the series took more 
space in the magazine than had been anticipated. The series, 
however, ceased, and Mr. Turner was forced to print his later 
articles in another journal. All his articles were finally reprinted 
in book form in 1911 under the title of ''Barbarous Mexico." 

239 



240 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 

In book form his writing lias met with fair success, but the time- 
liness and importance of it was in its first appearance in the 
■ periodicals. 

A FLOOD OF ANSWER 

To many people what Turner said was a surprise. To many 
it was so shocking as to seem incredible. It was hard to believe 
that, in the nineteenth — ^nay, in the twentieth — century, things 
could be as he presented them ; it was felt that he must have made 
mistakes or lied. A flood of articles was written to refute him. 
They varied from the crudest and most ignorant assertions of 
the uninformed up to the most skilfully constructed and forcibly 
presented arguments. A host of writers came to the support of 
the assailed ruler and the discredited system. Among the flood 
of contributions to this defense, two books particularly were 
interesting. One was a book by Jose F. Godoy, the Mexican 
Minister to Cuba. It is entitled, '^Porfirio Diaz, President of 
Mexico. " It is the strangest book ever put out by an American 
publisher with the idea of selling it in the open market for a fair 
price. How any professional publishing house of good standing 
could consent to offer it is incomprehensible. Seventy pages of 
fulsome flattery by prominent Americans form an important 
part of this strange document. The other book was written to 
order by James Creelman. It is unnecessary to make further 
comment upon it. It is interesting of course — Creelman writes 
well ; it is entitled, ' ' Porfirio Diaz — ^the Man. " It is easily acces- 
sible to all who care to read it. Porfirio Diaz was always ready 
to pay well for biographical work in his behalf. As far back as 
1899 it was suggested to me that it would be a work of patriotism, 
of recognition of high worth, of encouragement of a nation strug- 
gling toward advancement under a wise ruler, to prepare a 
volume upon the life and work of the great ruler; it was sug- 
gested to me at the time that such a work would not fail of recog- 
nition, and that time spent in its preparation would be profitably 
employed ; it was asserted that, financially, the effort would be 
much more remunerative than study of mountain Indians; the 



A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 241 

suggestion was semi-official, but I had no time nor inclination to 
act upon it. There were, however, plenty of others who had no 
matters of serious importance to occupy their time and thought. 
Many such have given the, world biographical sketches of the 
great ruler. Thus, after producing the truly remarkable work, 
'' Mexico as I Saw It," Mrs. J. Alec Tweedie returned to Mex- 
ico to prepare a life of Porfirio Diaz ; that she had exceptional 
opportunities to present the whole truth to the world is sug- 
gested by the fact that the private journals and papers of the 
President were put at her disposition. 

tuener's book true 

John Kenneth Turner's book is true. It could not possibly 
have made so much commotion otherwise. Had it been false, 
it would have fallen of its own weight; there would have been 
no need of refutation. The simple life of the old ruler and the 
fact of Mexico itself would be sufficient ansAver if Turner were a 
Jiar. The facts he states unfortunately are true. We believe 
that he draws mistaken inferences, that he is at times unfortunate 
in judgment, but his facts are real. He says in the very brief 
note of preface to his book : ' ' The term ' barbarous, ' which I use 
in my title, is intended to apply to Mexico 's form of government 
rather than to its people." It was perhaps the quickest way 
to get a hearing. It is an unjust title. It has been misunderstood 
both in this country and in Mexico. People who have not read 
the book assume of course that it is an attack upon the people 
of our neighboring republic. In Mexico itself the name stung 
bitterly. Thousands of high-spirited, well-meaning men, who 
know no English and have never seen the book or know its line 
of argument, have felt outraged by the title. Of course it may 
be said that people who do not read a book have no right to 
express an opinion on it or to be influenced by a mere name. It 
is true, however, that even among ourselves such things take 
place, and in Mexico there has been much feeling against Mr. 
Turner by people who, if they knew what he has said, would 
find that he was championing their cause, fighting their battle. 



242 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 

Mr. Turner's articles were actually a voice in the wilder- 
ness. They contain many true things well and forcibly said; 
they were written with a keen sense of the wrongs from which 
the people of Mexico were suffering. Out of the many things 
which he discusses we shall consider five only — the confiscation 
of land, the drifting of Indians into slavery, the drifting of 
Mexicans into forced service, the iniquitous railroad deal, and 
the American partnership. 

LAND CONFISCATION" 

Under the Diaz regime, brilliant and splendid, thousands of 
Mexicans — Indians and mestizos — who had been little land- 
holders were absolutely robbed of their small holdings. This 
was done of course under cover of law. It affected whole tribes 
of Indians ; it blotted out entire villages of simple and relatively 
happy, industrious people. In this matter Turner speaks as 
follows: ''In a previous chapter I showed how the lands of 
the Yaquis were taken from them and given to political favorites 
of the ruler. The lands of the Mayas, of Yucatan, now enslaved 
by the henequen planters, were taken from them in almost the 
same manner. The final act of this confiscation was accomplished 
in the year 1904, when the national government set aside the last 
of their lands into a Territory, called Quintana Roo. This Terri- 
tory contained 43,000 square kilometers, or 27,000 square miles. 
It is larger than the present state of Yucatan by 8,000 square 
kilometers, and moreover, is the most promising land of the 
entire peninsula. It was turned over in practical possession to 
eight Mexican politicians. ... In like manner, the Mayos 
of Sonora, the Papagos, the Tomasachics — in fact, practically all 
the native peoples of Mexico — have been reduced to peonage, if 
not to slavery. ' ' 

"This is why the typical Mexican 

farm is a millionaire farm, why it has been so easy for such 
Americans as William Randolph Hearst, Harrison Gray Otis, 
E. H. Harriman, the Rockefellers, the Guggenheims, and numer- 
ous others, each to have obtained possession of millions of 



A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 243 

Mexican acres. This is why Secretary of Fomento Molina holds 
more than fifteen million acres of the soil of Mexico, why ex- 
Governor Terrazas of Chihuahua, owns 15,000,000 acres of soil 
of that state, why Finance Minister Limantour, Mrs. Porfirio 
Diaz, Vice-President Corral, Governor Pimentel of Chiapas, 
Governor Landa y Escandon of the Federal District, Governor 
Pablo Escandon of Morelos, Governor Ahumada of Jalisco, 
Governor Cosio of Querretero, Governor Mercado of Michoacan, 
Governor Canedo of Sinaloa, Governor Chauantzi of Tlaxcala, 
and many other members of the Diaz machine are not only 
millionaires, but millionaires in Mexican real estate." 

As to the method. Turner says : ' ' Chief among the methods 
used in getting the lands away from the people in general, was a 
land registration law which Diaz fathered. This law permitted 
any person to go out and claim any land to which the possessor 
could not prove a recorded title. Since, up to the time the law 
was enacted, it was not the custom to record titles, this meant all 
the lands of Mexico. When a man possessed a home which his 
father had possessed before him, which his grandfather had pos- 
sessed, which his great-grandfather had possessed, and which 
had been in the family as far back as history knew, he consid- 
ered that he owned that home, all of his neighbors considered 
that he owned it, and all governments up to that of Diaz recog- 
nized his right to that home." 

It is true that, under the operation of these new laws regard- 
ing the registration of properties in land, and the denouncement 
of non-registered property, thousands of ignorant but indus- 
trious Indians were dispossessed. In many cases the land they 
occupied was taken over in such enormous bulk by the 
denouncers that whole towns became peons to the new owners. 
That such things should lead to restlessness, to complaints, and 
even to hostile outbreaks, was to be expected. Turner continues : 
''Cases of more recent blood-spillings in the same cause are 
numerous. Hardly a month passes to-day without there being 
one or more reports in Mexican papers of disturbances, the 
result of the confiscation of homes either through the denuncia- 



244 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 

tion method or the excuse of non-payment of taxes. Notable 
among these was the case of San Andreas, state of Chihuahua, 
which was exploited by the Mexican press in April, 1909. . . . 
The state authorities confiscated lands of several scores of 
farmers, the excuse being that the owners were delinquent in 
their taxes. The farmers resisted in a body, and two car-loads 
of troops, hurried to the scene from the capital of the state, 
promptly cleaned them out, shooting some and chasing half a 
hundred of them into the mountains. Here they stayed until 
starved out, when they straggled back, begging for mercy. As 
they came, they were thrown into jail, men, women and children. ' ' 

PLANTATIOjST SLAVEEY in YUCATAN 

Closely related to this land confiscation, with the resultant 
beggary brought to thousands, was the drifting of the victims 
from their old homes to new places where they became actual 
slaves upon plantations. Dispossessed owners of little prop- 
erties are inconvenient to have around. They are sure to be 
discontented ; they may be dangerous. Not only so. The condi- 
tions of agricultural labor in the hot lands of the Republic pre- 
sented an opportunity of not only getting rid of this discontented 
element, but of profiting financiall}^ by their removal. Prob- 
ably that part of Mr. Turner 's writings which made the strong- 
est impression upon the readers was this matter. Indians in 
great numbers were removed, on one pretext or another, from 
their native land and were transferred to Yucatan and other dis- 
tricts where plantation help was necessary. Such transferred 
Indians had a definite market price. The business was very 
profitable. Governors, jefes politicos, and political officials, all 
profited handsomely by the business. The unlucky Indians of 
course were slaves in fact, though perhaps not slaves in name. 
A few quotations from Turner will be sufficient : ^ ' The masters 
of Yucatan do not call their systems slavery; they call them 
enforced service for debt. 'We do not consider that we own our 
laborers ; we consider that they are in debt to us. And we do 
not consider that we buy and sell them; we consider that we 



A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 245 

transfer the debt, and the man goes with the debt. ' ' ' The first 
slave debtors in Yncatan were the Maya Indians of the region. 
Indians from other districts, however, were imported in great 
numbers, and among these the favorites were the strong and well 
built Yaquis from the far northwest. 

''The Yaquis are transferred on exactly the same basis as 
the Mayas — the market price of the slaves — and yet all the peo- 
ple of Yucatan know that the planters pay only sixty-five dol- 
lars apiece to the government for each. Yaqui. I was offered for 
four hundred dollars each, Yaquis who had not been in the 
country a month, and consequently had had no opportunity of 
rolling up a debt that would account for a difference in price. ' ' 

' ' Why do the henequen kings call their 

system enforced service for debt instead of by the right name? 
Probably for two reasons — because the system is the outgrowth 
of a milder system of actual service for debt, and because of the 
prejudice against the word 'slavery' both among Mexicans and 
foreigners. Service for debt in a milder form than is found in 
Yucatan exists all over Mexico, and is called peonage. Under 
this system political authorities everywhere recognize the right 
of an employer to take the body of a laborer who is in debt to 
him and to compel the laborer to work out the debt. If once the 
employer can compel the laborer to work, he can compel him to 
work on his own terms, and that means that he can work him 
on such terms as will never permit the laborer to extricate him- 
self from his debt. ' ' 

It is to be noticed that, in the above quotations, the govern- 
ment is mentioned as receiving sixty-five dollars each for Yaquis. 
The excuse for transferring the Yaquis was that they had been 
at war with the Diaz government. It was asserted that the only 
way to end their warfare was to transfer them from their homes 
to other parts of the republic. The Yaqui wars of course were, 
for the most part, due to the fact that the Indians had been 
robbed of their lands. Transportation, however, was applied 
not only to those Indians who had been at war, but to non-resist- 
ing peaceful Indians as well. 



246 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 

*■ ' These Yaquis, ' ' he said, ' ' sell in Yucatan for sixty-five dol- 
lars apiece — men, women and children. Who gets the money! 
Well, ten dollars goes to me for my services, the rest is turned 
over to the Secretary of War. This, however, is only a drop in 
the bucket, for I know this to be a fact, that every foot of land, 
every building, every cow, every burro, everything left behind by 
the Yaquis when they are carried away by soldiers, is appro- 
priated for the private use of authorities of the state of Sonora." 

Not only warring Yaquis and peaceful Yaquis were in dan- 
ger in northwestern Mexico. Others who were not Yaquis were 
likely to be seized and transferred to the hot lands where their 
services were in so great demand. '' 'We were one hundred and 
fifty-three at the start, we of TJres,' went on the old man, 'farm 
laborers, all of us. We worked for small farmers, poor men, men 
with no more than half a dozen families each in their employ. 
One day a government agent visited the neighborhood and 
ordered the bosses to give an account of all their laborers. The 
bosses obeyed, but they did not know what it meant, until a few 
days later when the soldiers came. Then they knew, and they 
saw ruin coming to us and to them. They begged the officers, 
saying, "This is my peon. He is a good man. He has been with 
me for twenty years. I need him for the harvest. " ' " 

Turner tells us something about the Yaquis after they reach 
their new home: "In Yucatan I soon learned what became of 
the Yaqui exiles. They are sent to the henequen plantations as 
slaves, slaves on almost the same basis as all the hundred thou- 
sand Mayas whom I found on the plantations. They are held as 
chattels, they are bought and sold, they receive no wages, but are 
fed on beans, potatoes, and on putrid fish. They are beaten, 
sometimes beaten to death. They are worked from dawn until 
night in the hot sun beside the Mayas. The men are locked up at 
night. The women are required to marry Chinamen or Mayas. 
They are hunted when they run away, and are brought back by 
the police if they reach a settlement. Families broken up in So- 
nora, or on the way, are never permitted to reunite. After they 
once pass into the hands of the planters, the government cares no 



A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 247 

more for them, takes no more account of them. The govern- 
ment has received its money, and the fate of the Yaquis is in the 
hands of the planter. ' ' 

VALLE NACIONAL 

For my own part, while this whole matter of the henequen 
slaves of Yucatan is hideous, it seems to me less so than the con- 
ditions of Valle Nacional. For years I have been hearing the 
common people of Mexico talk with bated breath of Valle 
Nacional. The horror of it is that no poor man was safe. It was 
not only Indians — in fact it was not Indians — but mestizos who 
were drifted thither. I know personally hundreds of well-inten- 
tioned, moderately educated, industrious laboring men of Mexico 
to whom the thought of Valle Nacional is a veritable nightmare. 
Of it and the unfortunates drifted thither Turner speaks at 
leng-th. He says: ''In Yucatan the Maya slaves die off faster 
than they are born, and two-thirds of the Yaqui slaves are killed 
during the first year after their importation into the country. In 
Valle Nacional all of the slaves, all but a very few — perhaps 
five per cent — pass back to earth within the space of seven or 
eight months. This statement is almost unbelievable. I would 
not have believed it, possibly not even after I had seen the whole 
process of working them, and beating them, and starving them 
to death, were it not for the fact that the masters themselves told 
me that it is true. And there are fifteen thousand of these Valle 
Nacional slaves — fifteen thousand new ones every year. ' ' 

''The slaves of Valle Nacional are not 

Indians, as are the slaves of Yucatan. They are Mexicans. Some 
are skilled artisans, others are artists. The majority of them are 
common laborers. As a whole, except for their rags, their bruises, 
their squalor, and their despair, they are a very fair representa- 
tion of the Mexican people. They are not criminals. Not more 
than ten per cent were even charged with any crime. The rest of 
them are peaceful, law-abiding citizens. Yet not one came to the 
valley of his own free will, not one would not leave the valley on 
an instant's notice if he or she could get away." 

' ' There are just two ways employed to 



248 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 

get them there. They are sent over the road either by a jefe 
politico or by a labor agent working in conjunction with a jefe 
politico or other officials of the government. ' ' 

^''The methods employed by the jefe 

politico working alone are very simple. Instead of sending petty 
prisoners to terms in jail, he sells them into slavery in Valle 
Nacional. And as he pockets the money himself, he naturally 
arrests as many persons as he can. This method is followed 
more or less by the jefes politicos of all the leading cities of 
southern Mexico. ' ' 

— "In this partnership of the govern- 
ment and the labor agent, popularly called ' enganchador' 
(snarer), the function of the labor agent is to ensnare the laborer, 
the function of the government to stand behind him, help him, 
protect him, give him low transportation rates, and free guard 
service, and finally to take a share of the profits. ' ' 

' ' I have heard of many cases of the 

kidnapping of men and women. Hundreds of half-drunken men 
are picked up about the pulque shops of Mexico City every 
season, put under lock and key, and later hurried off to Valle 
Nacional. Children also are regularly kidnapped for the Valle 
Nacional trade. The official records of Mexico City say that, 
during the year ending September first, 1908, three hundred and 
sixty little boys between the ages of six and twelve disappeared 
from the streets. Some of these were later located in Valle 
Nacional. ' ' 

"The jefe politico of Pachuca has a 

contract with Candido Fernandez, owner of the tobacco planta- 
tion, San Cristobal la Vega, whereby he agrees to deliver five 
hundred able-bodied laborers a year for fifty pesos each. The 
jefe politico gets special nominal government rates on the rail- 
roads, his guards are paid for, so that the four days' trip from 
Pachuca costs him only three and a half pesos per man. This 
leaves him six and a half pesos. From this he must pay some- 
thing to the governor, Pedro L. Eodriguez and something to the 
jefe politico at Tuxtepec ; but even then his profits are large. ' ' 

We have said that no man was safe unless rich : all kinds of 



A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 249 

tradesmen and artisans were in danger. "Yes," exclaimed 
Antonio Pla, "some of the best artisans in the comitry came 
right here — in one way or another. We get carpenters and 
cabinet makers and upholsterers and everything. Why, on my 
ranches I have had teachers and actresses and artists, and one 
time I even had an ex-priest. ' ' 

"I was a carpenter, and a good one — 

six years ago. I lived with my brother and sister in Mexico City. 
My brother was a student — he was only in his teens — -my sister 
attended to the little house that I paid for out of my wages. We 
were not poor — no, we were happy. Then work in my trade fell 
slack, and one evening I met a friend who told me of employment 
he had in Vera Cruz, at three pesos a day, a long job. ' ' 

The business was a profitable one and placed many in a posi- 
tion of luxury. "Seiior P. was kind enough to tell us what 
became of the fifty pesos he received for each of his slaves. Five 
pesos, he said, went to Eodolfo Pardo, jefe politico of Tuxtepec, 
ten to Felix Diaz for every slave taken out of Mexico City, and 
ten to the mayor of the city, or jefe politico of the district from 
whence came the other slaves. ' The fact that I am a brother-in- 
law of Felix Diaz,' said Senor P., 'as well as a personal friend 
of the governors of the states of Oaxaca and Vera Cruz, and of 
the mayors of the cities of the same name, puts me in a position 
to supply your wants better than any one else. I am prepared 
to furnish you any number of laborers up to forty thousand a 
year, men, women and children, and my price is fifty pesos each. 
Children workers last better than adults, and I advise you to 
use them in preference to others.' " 

THE RAILWAY DEAL 

An example of the gigantic scale on which the people were 
taxed that rulers might grow rich is found in the nationaliza- 
tion of the Mexican railways. The idea was given a certain 
popularity and gained at least a temporary tacit approval from 
the unfortunate people, by the pretext that it was a patriotic 
movement for limiting the power of foreign capitalists in the 



250 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 

country. In regard to this Mr. Turner says : ' ' The consohda- 
tion under nominal government control of the two principal rail- 
road systems in Mexico, the Mexican Central and the Mexican 
National, was brought about not, as was officially given out, to 
provide against the absorption of the Mexican highways by for- 
eign capitalists, but to provide for that very thing. It was a 
deal between E. H. Harriman, on the one hand, and the govern- 
ment finance camarilla, on the other, the victim in the case 
being Mexico. It was a sort of deferred sale of the Mexican 
railroads to Harriman, the members of the camarilla getting as 
their share of the loot millions and millions of dollars through 
the juggling of securities and stock in effecting the merger. On 
the whole, it constitutes perhaps the most colossal single piece 
of plundering carried out by the organized wreckers of the 
Mexican nation. 

In this deal with Harriman, Limantour, Minister of Finance, 
was the chief manipulator, and Pablo Macedo, brother of Miguel 
Macedo, Sub-Secretary of the Department of the Interior, was 
first lieutenant. As a reward for their part in the deal, Liman- 
tour and Macedo are said to have divided nine million dollars' 
gold profits between them, and Limantour was made president, 
and Macedo vice-president of the board of directors of the 
merged roads, which positions they still hold. The other members 
of the board of directors of the merged roads are : Guillermo de 
Landa y Escandon, Governor of the Federal District of Mexico ; 
Samuel Morse Felton, former president of the Mexican Central, 
who was Harriman 's special emissary in Mexico to work o 
Diaz to secure his consent for the deal ; E. IST. Brown, former vice- 
president and general manager of the Mexican National Lines, 
and Gabriel Mancera. Each of these four men is said to have 
made a personal fortune for himself out of the transaction." 

And of course the starving people of the Mexican Republic 
pay the bills. ' ' The Mexican Central and Mexican National sys- 
tems are both cheaply built roads ; their rolling stock is of very 
low grade. Their entire joint mileage at the time of the merger 
was possibly 5,400 miles, and yet, under the merger, they were 



A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 251 

capitalized at $615,000,000 gold, or $112,000 per mile. Oceans 
of water there. The Mexican Central was thirty years old, yet 
had never paid a penny. The Mexican National was twenty-five 
years old, yet it had paid less than two per cent. Yet in the over- 
capitalized merger we find that the company binds itself to pay 
four and a half per cent on $225,000,000 worth of bonds, and 
four per cent on $160,000,000 worth of bonds, or $16,525,000 
interest a year, and pay it semi-annually." In other words, if 
Mr. Turner 's figures are accurate, the Mexican people are com- 
pelled to pay annually in interest on these bonds two peso each 
for every man, woman and child in the Eepublic. 

AMERICAN PAETNEESHIP WITH DIAZ 

The last point made by Mr. Turner to which we shall direct 
attention is the fact that, for many years the United States Gov- 
ernment was a partner with Diaz and his cientificos in their mis- 
rule of Mexico. Our officials, our legal equipment, our army, 
were at the disposition of the system. Of course the reason was 
not far to seek. It was the financial interests of Americans in 
Mexico which led to the easy and complaisant attitude of our 
government. 

WEAK POINTS OP BARBAEOUS MEXICO 

We have spoken at length in regard to Turner 's book because 
it deserves attention. It was a voice crying in the wilderness. 
It was the first vigorous appeal from an outsider for justice to 
a suffering people. While his facts are true, and his motive 
good, the author makes two serious blunders. First, he fails 
to realize and emphasize the fact that slavery is no new thing in 
Mexico. It has existed in the same frightful forms which he 
describes for more than three hundred years. Since the original 
settlement of the country, there had been landed estates to be 
developed, mines to be worked. During all that time, there had 
been open and flagrant slavery, forced labor, peonage for debt, 
drifting of unfortunates to places where their lives were worked 
out in unwholesome surroundings for the benefit of wealthy 



252 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 

masters. There were periods indeed of improvement, there were 
periods of emphatic and frightful development; but there has 
never been a time since the old city of Tenochtitlan fell when the 
fair land has been free of this foul blot. Mr. Turner weakens his 
argument sadly by not realizing this fact. Second, Porfirio Diaz 
has been less an active plotter to bring about these evils than one 
would think from reading the indictment in ''Barbarous Mex- 
ico. ' ' Porfirio Diaz was not the creator and originator of these 
crying wrongs. He was a man of inordinate ambition, born 
into certain conditions, which he selfishly utilized to his ad- 
vantage and the advantage of his friends who helped him gain 
his aims. He was bad enough from any point of view, but he 
was the creature of circumstances. Had he been as strong a 
character as has been usually asserted, and at the same time 
imbued with a spirit of true patriotism, he might have helped 
appreciably in an advance movement of reform ; even so, he could 
not have made things over. Had he devoted his lifetime to the 
effort of solving the very serious problems surrounding him, he 
could have helped his nation, but could not have inaugurated an 
actually golden age of justice and perfection. 



THE NEW GOSPEL 

THE CREELMAN INTERVIEW LA SUCESION PRESIDENCIAL EN I9IO 

PERSONAL POLITICS CONTINUANCE IN POWER RESULTS OP 

MILITARISM THE VICE-PRESIDENCY QUESTION OF MATERIAL 

PROGRESS EFFECTS OF DIAZ' GOVERNMENT FITNESS OF PEOPLE 

FOR DEMOCRACY MADERO^S PROGRAM. 

IT is not often that a reporter's interview for periodical pub- 
lication becomes an important political document. Such a 
fate was, however, in store for an interview by James Creel- 
man with President Diaz, which was printed in the March 
number of Pearson's Magazine for 1908. 

THE CREELMAN INTERVIEW 

In that interview the President of the Mexican Republic said : 
*'No matter what my friends and supporters say, I retire when 
my presidential term of office ends, and I shall not serve again. 
I shall be eighty years old then. I have waited patiently for 
the day when the people of the Mexican Republic should be pre- 
pared to choose and change their government at every election 
without danger of armed revolution and without injury to the 
national credit or interference with national progress. I believe 
that day has come. 

"I welcome an opposition party in the Mexican Republic. 
If it appears, I will regard it as a blessing, not an evil. And 
if it can develop power, not to exploit, but to govern, I will 
stand by it, support it, advise it, and forget myself in the suc- 
cessful inauguration of complete democratic government in 
the country." 

This interview became the rallying cry for the opposition 
which voiced the sentiments of ' ' No reelection. ' ' It precipitated 
the book of Francisco I. Madero — La Sucesion Presidencial en 
1910; it unquestionably hastened the revolution. 

253 



254 THE NEW GOSPEL 

LA SUCESION PKESIDENCIAL EN I9IO 

'At the beginning of his book, Madero says: ''Nevertheless, 
the problem for the reconquest of our rights presented itself 
as of most difficult solution, above all, for those who, satisfied 
as I, with life, shut up in their selfishness and contented with 
the respecting of their material properties, did not occupy them- 
selves greatly in studying such a problem. This criminal indif- 
ference, child of the times, received a rude shock with the events 
of Monterey on the 22nd of April, 1903. 

"Until that epoch I remained almost indifferent to the march 
of political affairs, and quite so to the political campaign which 
the people of Nuevo Leon were conducting, when reports reached 
me of the infamous attack of which the oppositionists, in con- 
ducting a pacific demonstration, were victims, which resulted 
impressive on account of the immense concourse of people, and 
which had a tragic end due to the ambush into which it fell. 
This occurrence, witnessed by some of my relatives and friends 
who took part in the manifestation, impressed me deeply and 
sadly. ' ' 

From that time on, Madero was grappling with the problems 
of politics. 

PEESONAL POLITICS 

In the beginning of his book, he emphasizes the dangers of 
personal politics. It is not altogether easy to quote brief pas- 
sages from his argument. In one place he says, in contrasting 
the significance of party politics and personal politics, the fol- 
lowing: "The probabilities are immense, that a party formed 
and founded upon principles, has to be as immortal as the prin- 
ciples which it proclaims, though many of its members may 
succumb ; but the principle will never succumb, and always will 
serve as a guiding light for directing the steps of those who 
desire to fight for the welfare of the country; it ever will serve 
as a point of concentration to all noble ambition, to all pure 
patriotism. The same does not occur with personalist parties, 



THE NEW GOSPEL 255 

which tend to disaggregate, if not at the death of their chief, 
very shortly afterward." 

CONTIISrUANCE IN POWER 

In asking how it came about that Diaz so long remaiiied in 
power, he says: ''It will appear that it is a presumption on 
my part to seem to know more in these matters than General 
Diaz who, for so many years, has been at the head of the destinies 
of the country ; but I do not in the least hold the conviction that 
General Diaz has not seen, as clearly as myself, in this affair, 
in evidence of which there are the declarations which he made 
to Creelman, and further back, looking to the source of his gov- 
ernment, we shall see that, if he took up arms against the 
governments of Juarez and Lerdo, it was precisely because 
he judged the indefinite reelection of governors a threat for 
democratic institutions ; and this will continue to happen unless 
political parties are now organized; but they must be parties 
founded upon principles which satisfy the national aspirations, 
and not personalist parties, like those which actually exist in the 
republic. ' ' 

EESULTS OF MILITARISM 

In studying the subject of militarism in Mexico, Madero 
made review of the whole history of the nation to show what 
serious disasters it had always brought. In the case of Comon- 
fort, he shows how great an error it was for that real leader in 
democracy to depend upon it. He says : ' ' Comonf ort, consti- 
tutional president, had the support of the entire nation. 

"Comonf ort, revolutionist, eight days after his coup d'etat, 
could not count even upon the aid of those who induced him to 
commit so great a fault; the forces which pronounced in his 
favor were the first to turn against him, and he was forced to 
leave his country to weep in exile the ills which, in a moment 
of blindness, he had inflicted upon his nation. 

''Another example which it is well not to forget: A man like 
him, so well deserving of the highest honors and the national 



256 THE NEW GOSPEL 

gratitude; of admirable prudence and tact; of irreproachable 
conduct; of a disinterestedness and patriotism for every trial, 
committing in a moment of blindness, of folly, or of weakness, 
an irreparable fault ! Unhappy those nations whose destinies 
depend upon the life, will, or caprice, of a single man ! ' ' 

In the same direction, in speaking of the period when the 
French forces were being withdrawn from the national terri- 
tory, he exclaims: ''Another example of the tremendous pun- 
ishment which nations receive that abdicate their liberty; of 
the peril of leaving power in the hands of a si-ngle man ! ' * 

THE VICE-PEESIDENCY 

In a chapter devoted to the subject of General Diaz, his 
ambitions, his politics, and methods of which he has made use 
for remaining in power, our author comes to the delicate ques- 
tion of the vice-presidency. He sees only peril in the office. 
He says: "(The nation) trusted at the disappearance of 
General Diaz from the political scene, it would recover its 
rights; but this hope has vanished since the creation of the 
vice-presidency, which has for its evident object to protect the 
interests created under the shadow of the present administra- 
tion, not to permit the people to recover its liberties, to the 
end of perpetuating in power the group which surrounds our 
present ruler. 

''The nation would be contented for the present to choose 
the vice-president who undoubtedly will be the successor of 
General Diaz, because his advanced age makes it very probable 
that he will not be living in the year 1916, the end of the next 
presidential period. 

"In order to attain even this feeble concession, it appears 
that the country is resolving to arouse itself from its lethargy ; 
but nations, in awakening, are accustomed to be turbulent, and 
to us, who aspire to guide public opinion with our writings, the 
task imposes itself of directing the popular energies through 
the broad road of democracy, in order to prevent their wander- 
ing by the tortuous by-paths of revolts and intestine war.*' 



THE NEW GOSPEL 257 

In another chapter entitled: ''Wliither does General Diaz 
lead us?" he speaks specifically of Corral. He says: ''On the 
disappearance of General Diaz from the political scene, Seiior 
Corral, or whoever may be designated in his place to occupy 
the vice-presidency, will put himself in relation with all the 
governors, and these will renew the compact celebrated with 
his predecessor: 'You sustain us in power, and in our turn we 
will sustain you indefinitely.' Perhaps there might be some 
governor who would not be in agreement with him. In such a 
case, he would send emissaries to agitate pubUc opinion in the 
state, and to organize a party of opposition which, supported 
by the central government, would be the one which would result 
triumphant in the elections, promptly assuring a change of 
governor. ' ' 

QUESTION OF MATERIAL PEOGEESS 

In discussing the material progress made under the great 
dictator, Madero says: "We will only say that it is an error 
to attribute all our progress to General Diaz, considering that, 
m the same period of time, many nations of the world have 
attained a development which surpasses our own, among which 
we will cite: Japan, France, the United States, Italy, Germany; 
and among our sisters of the south: Costa Rica, Argentina,' 
Chile, and Brazil." 

EFFECT OF DIAZ ' GOVERNMENT 

Our author considers that the effect of the Diaz Government 
has been to deaden every legitimate effort. Thus he says : "In 
summarj^, absolute power has annihilated the forces of the 
nation, because the citizens who might lend their assistance to 
the good progress of the government, have abstained from 
doing so lest they should appear as discontented individuals. 
This custom has made them lose all interest in public matters,' 
knowing that they could not remedy the situation." 



258 THE NEW GOSPEL 

FITNESS OF PEOPLE FOR DEMOCRACY 

To the constant cry that they are unfit as yet for real democ- 
racy, he says: ^'In fact, their affirmation is easily answered: 
Admitting for a moment that we are not fit for democracy, in 
what manner shall be arrive at familiarizing ourselves with its 
practices, if we are never permitted to practice them? The 
expression 'democratic practices,' consecrated by custom, im- 
plies, besides the theory, the putting of it into action, and as 
long as this does not happen, as long as nations do not carry 
into practice democratic ideas, they will never become familiar 
with them." 

MADERO^S PROGRAM 

The program which Madero offered is as follows: ''From 
this circumstance it is indispensable to strive with energy, even 
if certain defeat is to be foreseen because, with the sole fact 
of struggling in the field of democracy, of competing at the 
electoral urns, and above all, of having constituted ourselves 
into a political party, we Independents will have secured the 
awakening of the country and the Independent Party, although 
defeated, will have in reality saved the institutions, since with 
this struggle it will have acquired such prestige that, at the 
death of General Diaz, it will constitute itself into a constant 
vigilant censorship upon his successor who, from this motive, 
must proceed with great moderation, and little by little make 
concessions to the nation which will gradually force them into 
frequent electoral contests, since the Independents' will not 
rest, and will promote electoral campaigns in the states, with 
the end of gradually renewing the town governments, local 
legislatures, governors, and legislatures of the nation." 

The watchword and rallying cry of the whole movement 
were: "Effective suffrage!" and "No reelection!" 



THE STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 

MADERO'S CAMPAIGN REELECTION OF DIAZ AND CORRAL THREAT- 
ENING INCIDENTS THE FIRST BATTLE REVOLUTION THE STRUG- 
GLE IN CHIHUAHUA CHANGE OF GOVERNOR NEW TACTICS 

HOPE IN LIMANTOUR YIELDING ALONG THE WHOLE LINE OVER- 
TURES FOR PEACE BELATED CONCESSIONS ^ARMISTICE AND NEGO- 
TIATIONS THE FALL OF CIUDAD JUAREZ WILD SCENES THE 

RESIGNATION OF DIAZ THE PEACE TREATY THE FINAL ACTS. 

ON June 26, 1910, the presidential election took place in 
Mexico. It was interesting because, for the first time 
in many years, there was actually a candidate in 
opposition to President Diaz. The candidate of course was 
Francisco I. Madero, whose claim to popularity rested upon his 
book. La Sucesion Presidencial en 1910. We have already 
called attention to him and it. 

MADERO 'S CAMPAIGN 

Madero was nominated for the office of President by an 
actual national convention called by the anti-reelection soci- 
eties. The candidate for Vice-President nominated with him 
was Francisco Vasquez Gomez. Basing their action upon the 
famous Creelman interview, the candidates attempted to ar- 
range with President Diaz for an actual election in which the 
people should genuinely cast votes for the man of their choice. 
Given to understand that they were at liberty to push their 
cause, Madero made a campaign of propaganda. He visited 
many states, making speeches and organizing the anti-reelec- 
tion movement. At many places difficulties were thrown in his 
way and at times he was in actual danger of physical attack. 
Early in June, only a few days before the election was to be 
held, he was in Monterey in connection with his propaganda. 
The fact was that he seemed to be making dangerous headway, 
and it was deemed best to check him. He was arrested on the 
complaint that he had concealed Roque Estrada, who had been 

259 



260 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 




FBANCISCO I. MADEEO. 



STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 261 

accused of misdemeanors, in Ms house. Estrada was Madero 's 
secretary, and Ms presence in Madero 's house was natural and 
no just subject of complaint. Both men were seized and jailed. 
The Government, however, seemed to recognize that the com- 
plaint made in Monterey was an insufficient basis for vigorous 
action; it was in reality only an excuse for once getting him 
Avithin the hands of the authorities. He was therefore trans- 
ferred to San Luis Potosi, where he was accused of having been 
guilty of sedition and Use majesty in his public speeches. He 
was finally set at liberty, on heavy bail. While at San Luis 
Potosi, he matured his plan of revolution and drew up the 
famous document which bears the name of the Plan of San 
Luis Potosi, in wMch the purposes and causes of the revolution 
are set forth. Discovering that it was planned to send him to 
Puebla, on charges similar to those which had been urged 
against him in San Luis Potosi, he determined to flee to a place 
of refuge. It was his custom to take a daily walk along the 
railroad track. Each day he extended his walk and returned 
a little later than before; one day he did not return, and the 
most vigorous efforts to locate him met with no success. Dis- 
guised and aided by his sympathizers, he foiind his way north- 
ward to the frontier and entered the United States. 

^ REELECTIGISr OP DIAZ AND COEEAL 

/ Meantime, the election had taken place, resulting in the con- 
(4inuance of Porfirio Diaz in the office of president, and Ramon 
Corral in that of vice-president. It was an election of the usual 
type. There is no doubt that with a fair vote Diaz would have 
been driven from power, and Madero would have been presi- 
dent. The election, however, took place as usualT] Our Ameri- 
can press had many a piquant item upon it; it was a capital 
joke; but, after all, the matter was serious. Closely following 
the election came the centennial. "While the government was 
celebrating that splendid function, the forces of revolution 
were gathering. Efforts were first made, however, to settle 
the difficulties by legal methods. The anti-reelection clubs sent 



262 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 

in a vigorous protest, with many signatures, to congress, de- 
manding that the elections be set aside as fraudulent, and that 
a new and honest vote be taken. The effort met with no success. 
Congress recognized Diaz and Corral as properly elected. The 
only thing remaining for the dissatisfied was actual rebellion. 

THKEATENIXG IN^CIDENTS 

There were many little incidents which foreshadowed the 
outbreak. The occurrence in the Paseo de la Reforma, at the 
foot of the Columbus monument, on September 11th, is described 
elsewhere. That I saiv. Elsewhere too is described the incident 
of September 16th, in the State of Tlaxcala. These were during 
the glorious month of September, when the independence of the 
nation was being celebrated. They were at a time of profound 
peace. 

THE FIEST BATTLE 

It would be easy to multiply instances of such things in the 
weeks before the serious outbreak began. The first actual inci- 
dent in the revolution may be considered to be the famous 
battle at the house of Aquiles Serdan, fully described else- 
where. That happened on the 18th of November. 

EEVOLUTION 

Madero had arranged that on the 20th there should be 
simultaneous uprising throughout the whole Republic. Two 
days before that date, he issued a manifesto to the federal 
army, inviting them to turn against the government and to aid 
the revolutionary movement. His appeal met with no imme- 
diate response, but of course throughout the whole period of 
actual revolution defections from the army constantly took place ; 
it is the regular story of such movements. There are few 
armies whose sympathies can be firmly counted upon by a 
tyrannical government. 

The 20th of November came. In the State of Vera Cruz, the 
working people at Rio Blanco, near Orizaba, rose, but were 



STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 263 

easily suppressed ; risings took place also in Tlaxcala, Coahuila, 
and Chihualiua, but these outbreaks were far from as general 
and serious as had been expected. Everywhere people seemed 
to hesitate ; they were waiting to see just how far those in other 
places would dare venture before they themselves undertook 
what many believed to be a desperate venture. On November 
26th, in Chihuahua, an attempt was made by the revolutionists 
to capture Ciudad Guerrero ; it was not successful, but the less 
important town, San Andres, was seized and fortified. The 
next day a serious conflict took place at Fresno, four leagues 
from the capital city of Chihuahua. General Navarro, after a 
four hours' battle, succeeded in dislodging four hundred in- 
surrectos who, at that point, occupied an elevated position. 
The revolutionists, however, quickly reformed, and two days 
later were at the gates of Chihuahua. The same day another 
party captured Chuviscar, eight leagues from the city. Fight- 
ing took place also in the district where the states of Coahuila 
and Durango come together. The rebels captured Gomez Pala- 
cio, but withdrew before a force of federals sent from the 
neighboring town, Torreon. 

It is not necessary to give a detailed description of all the 
little engagements in the different parts of the republic. The 
northern states of Chihuahua and Coahuila were the centers of 
the most important operations and the region within which 
Madero himself operated. It was there that the provisional 
government had been quartered; it was there, ultimately, that 
the Diaz Government carried on negotiations with it. 

THE STRUGGLE IN CHIHUAHUA 

During the month of December progress was made. On the 
first day of the month Porfirio Diaz took oath for the eighth 
time before the Congress of the nation to discharge the duties 
of his office well and faithfully. As the conditions in the State 
of Chihuahua became complicated, and he saw himself unable 
to make headway against it, the acting Governor of the state 
resigned, and President Diaz appointed Alberto Terrazas as 



264 



STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 




STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 265 

Governor for the time being. This was not a masterstroke. 
Alberto Terrazas, son of Don Luis Terrazas who for many 
years was Governor of the state, and who by misrule and op- 
pression had gained the hatred of his people, was not the man 
to be appointed to the governorship of a state in open revolu- 
tion. During the month, important engagements took place at 
Cerro Prieto and Mai Paso. Ciudad Guerrero had been seized 
by the revolutionists ; General Navarro, the leader of the federal 
forces, attempted its recovery; in the operation Colonel Guz- 
man was trapped at Mai Paso with frightful loss. The hero 
of the day was Pascual Orozco. The situation was so desperate 
that new forces under Colonel Cuellar were sent from the City 
of Mexico on December 22nd to the seat of war. In January 
Madero's people occupied a considerable area and dominated 
stretches of the Central and the Northwestern Eailroads. Gen- 
eral Navarro again attempted to recapture Ciudad Guerrero, 
arranging that forces should close in upon the city from various 
sides; to his chagrin, the city was found empty. Vigorous 
efforts were made to locate and pursue the enemy. General 
Navarro himself never seemed to find them, but at Galeana, 
Colonel Eabago, one of the bravest and best of the federal 
officers, found them, fought, and met a terrible defeat, losing 
officers and 350 men. 

CHANGE OF GOVEKlSrOR 

Meantime, Diaz, at Mexico, realized the mistake made in 
appointing Alberto Terrazas governor of Chihuahua. Ter- 
razas was removed, and Ahumada summoned from Guadala- 
jara; he was hurried to the scene of the disturbance. Much 
was hoped for from this action. Ahumada was one of the best 
state governors of Mexico for many years. He was at one 
time governor of Chihuahua, and had left a good name behind 
him ; he was respected and beloved. He had been sent to Guad- 
alajara because that region had been misgoverned and a good 
man was needed there. It was hoped that his reappearance at 
Chihuahua would reduce hostility, arouse enthusiasm, and per- 



266 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 

haps stay the course of the revolution. If ten years before 
Porfirio Diaz had reahzed that people genuinely demanded and 
deserved good governors, perhaps the cry of '^ effective suf- 
frage" and ''no reelection" would not have been heard until 
after he had quietly passed from the stage of action. It was, 
however, too late for even a good governor to save the situation 
in Chihuahua. 

NEW TACTICS 

It began to be seen also that Madero's concentration about 
the city of Chihuahua was more or less a ruse to distract atten- 
tion from the border. In the effort to save the capital of the 
state, all possible force had been brought together there and the 
international boundary was left almost unoccupied by federal 
forces. The result was that war equipment was constantly 
crossing from the United States: supplies and ammunition 
were daily entering from the north — even cannons and rapid- 
firing guns being brought in. When this was fully recognized,. 
Rabago was ordered to Ciudad Juarez to guard against tliis 
constant importation. At Bauche, Rabago had a fight with 
the forces of Oroczo, suffering some loss. Garcia, Cuellar and 
Navarro were also transferred to Juarez. It was about this 
time that the mysterious mobilization of 20,000 American sol- 
diers to the Mexican border took place. Meantime, there had 
been serious fighting at Casas Grandes. After this, Madero 
established his headquarters at Rancho de Bustillos, a hundred 
kilometers northwest of Chihuahua City. With him were Pas- 
cual Oroczo, Colonel Garabaldi, Capt. Raoul Madero, and other 
leaders. At the time of his establishing his headquarters, about 
a thousand men were at his disposition ; this number gradually 
grew until finally he had three thousand men well equipped and 
under fair discipline. 

It was wonderful how this insurrection spread through the 
republic. This was true piarticularly in the south. The move- 
ment there was largely undirected. There were no great lead- 
ers, no definite plans. But at scores of places, the people, hear- 



STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 267 

ing of the events taking place in the north, armed themselves 
for outbreak. The capital city was absolutely stripped of de- 
fenders. The President had no settled plan of action ; all advice 
failed. In desperation, he announced the suspension of the 
guarantees— in other words, declared martial law throughout 
the republic. In Mexico it is eternally a sign of weakness. 
The terms of his proclamation were severe in the extreme. Far 
from terrifying the people and deterring them from joining in 
the revolution, the proclamation seemed to add fuel to the con- 
flagration. Thousands, who had no thought of active participa- 
tion in the disturbance, were driven by this document to unite 
with the forces fighting against the government. By the middle 
of April it might be said that every state, from Yucatan and 
Tabasco up to Sonora and Sinaloa, was in a blaze. Meantime 
in the north, the Madero forces were closing in upon Ciudad 
Juarez. 

HOPE IN LIMANTOUE 

It was pitiful that at this time the old president seemed to 
feel that Limantour might still save the day. The man to whom 
the growth of the cientificos was due; the man to whom, more 
than to any other, the unrest of Mexico may be ascribed; the 
man who, at this crisis, could have the least influence, was 
Limantour. He was summoned from Paris, to Mexico. He 
seems to have had complete confidence in himself. In New 
York and Washington his coming was hailed by the money in- 
terests and politicians with great satisfaction. Much was ex- 
pected of him; it merely shows how blind those interests have 
always been to actual conditions in the Mexican Republic. It 
was the end of March when he arrived in the capital city. He 
was given a free hand; his advice was promptly followed; he 
really knew what would once have been effective. Never, how- 
ever, in his time of glory, had he suggested the line of procedure 
he now proposed. Had he done so, the course of affairs might 
have been different; but of course it was impossible for him 
to have done so in those days of prosperity. 



268 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 




HaiTis and Ew 



EMILIO VASQUEZ GOMEZ. 



STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 269 

YIELDING ALONG THE WHOLE LINE 

It was due to his advice, undoubtedly, that the six most 
hated ministers resigned — those of Foreign Eelations, Justice, 
Public Instruction, Government, Fomento and Communications. 
There is little question that this change in the cabinet was ar- 
ranged when Limantour was in Washington in consultation with 
Francisco Leon de la Barra, at that time Ambassador of Mexico 
to the United States, and with the approval of Vasquez Gomez 
who, as representative of the revolutionary movement, had his 
office in the city of Washington. The new cabinet, with de la 
Barra at its head, and J. Vera Estanol, was a great improve- 
ment on the old one, and would once have been a blessing to the 
people. When the change of cabinet was made, it was under- 
stood that new laws were being prepared for submission to 
congress, which would grant most of the reforms demanded by 
the revolutionary party. If it was believed that this announce- 
ment would lead to relaxed activity on the part of the revolu- 
tionary forces, the supposition was false ; Madero and his people 
kept at work, 

OVERTURES FOR PEACE 

It is true that the relatives of Madero at this time held a 
consultation with him and made overtures for peace. While 
this was not announced as being official, there is no question 
that it was done at the request of the government. Probably 
his relatives had been informed what concessions the dictator 
was willing to make to bring about a cessation of hostilities and 
a final adjustment. Whatever they were authorized to offer, did 
not meet the needs, and the meeting had no results. It was 
realized at the capital city that more concessions must be made. 
Vice-President Corral, therefore, asked for a leave of absence 
from the country, for a period of eight months on account of 
broken health. This request on the part of the hated official 
brought about a vigorous and heated discussion in congress, 
some of the congressmen demanding that Corral should not ask 
for a leave of absence, but should present his resignation. 



270 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 

Finally, however, permission was granted Mm to leave the coun- 
try, and four days later he left for Europe. 

BELATED CONCESSIONS 

Immediately after congress had voted permission to Corral 
to leave the country, the president submitted a law to' congress, 
providing that there should be no reelection of president or 
vice-president of the repiiblic, nor of governors of states. This 
being the chief demand of the revolutionary program, was be- 
lieved to be a masterstroke of policy; it was intended for con- 
ciliation. But the tottering power wished also to suggest that 
it was still prepared for war, and eight million pesos were voted 
for suppressing the revolution. This was of course intended 
to scare the revolutionists by showing that the government was 
not yet at the end of its resources. It is probable, however, 
that there was no intention of using this money for new mili- 
tary enterprises, but that its appropriation was necessary to 
meet the heavy costs already assumed in the attempt to suppress 
the insurrection. About this same time, a law, of liberty of the 
press was proposed to congress. 

Such was the solution offered by Limantour. Offered in 
time, it would have been effective. If in 1909 effective suffrage, 
no reelection, liberty of the press, and agrarian reforms had been 
honestly proposed, and given to the people, Mexico would have 
been spared a revolution, the centennial would have been a 
period of popular rejoicing and Limantour and Porfirio Diaz 
would have made abiding reputations as statesman and ruler. 

AEMISTICE AND NEGOTIATIONS 

De la Barra in the City of Mexico, and Vasquez Gomez in 
the United States, were keeping wires hot with telegrams re- 
garding an armistice. One was finally arranged to begin April 
22nd, and to continue for five days, affecting only the area ex- 
tending from Ciudad Juarez to Chihuahua. Two 'Volunteer" 
mediators, Oscar Braniff and Toribio Esquivel Obregon, hurried 
from Mexico, to reason, as private individuals interested patriot- 



STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 271 

ically in their country, with Madero. They claimed that they 
came as private individuals, not as official messengers. Madero 
consented to receive them. He stated as the prime condition of 
peace the resignation of President Diaz. Oscar Braniff 's indig- 
nation at the demand was great. He refused to treat further. 
Madero remained firm in his demand. It was resignation of the 
President or war; the resignation need not take place imme- 
diately, but an absolute promise must be given, and a date fixed. 
The volunteer peacemakers returned to Mexico. 

On April 28th the armistice ended, but it was prorogued for 
five days, as the government desired to send an official commis- 
sion to treat of peace. The commissioner was Francisco S. 
Carbajal with Oscar Braniff and Toribio Esquivel Obregon as 
advisers. The revolution was represented in this conference by 
Vasquez Gomez, Francisco Madero (father of Francisco I. 
Madero), and Pino Suarez. The negotiations continued through 
several days, and the armistice had to be extended on May 3d. 
Negotiations ceased upon the 6th, when they came to a deadlock. 
Carbajal was ready to discuss everything except the resignation 
of President Diaz. Madero insisted upon that resignation, but 
agreed that he would resign from the position of provisional 
president if Diaz resigned from his presidency. As has been 
said, negotiations ended on the 6th without agreement. On 
May 7th President Diaz issued a manifesto to the nation, in which 
he offered to resign, in the following vague terms : ' ' The Presi- 
dent of the Republic will retire from power, when his conscience 
tells him that his retirement will not deliver the country over to 
anarchy. " It is rather interesting to ask how the country could 
be in a condition of greater anarchy than at the moment of this 
manifesto. 

THE FALL OF CIUDAD JUAEEZ 

Meantime, Madero 's soldiers were chafing ; they were anxious 
to attack Ciudad Juarez. During the negotiations General 
Luque, of the federal forces, had attacked Cerro del Mulato, 
though within the region covered by the armistice. The peace 



272 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 

commissioners of the government, however, and others inter- 
ested, had begged that hostilities might still be restrained, hoping 
that new negotiations would be opened, and Madero had con- 
sented to the request. A small force of his people, however, 
had made an attack against the outer defenses of Ciudad Juarez. 
It is claimed that a flag of truce was raised with the idea of 
explaining the occurrence, but that there was a misunderstanding 
in regard to it ; however that may be, noth withstanding the agree- 
ment of Madero that hostilities should cease for the time being, 
the battle was on. Madero himself, realizing that a serious ad- 
vantage would be lost if he restrained his forces, under the 
circumstances, gave the order for attack. The battle continued 
for two days and ended in a victory for the revolutionary forces. 
On the 10th of May, General Navarro, in command of the govern- 
ment forces in the north, surrendered. In this engagement the 
federals lost three officers killed, and five wounded ; 560 soldiers 
fell, and the prisoners were General Navarro, twenty -five officers, 
and 480 soldiers. 

The fall of Ciudad Juarez decided the contest. Madero at 
once formed his government. As President, he was to be as- 
sisted by a Cabinet consisting of five officers. Francisco Vas- 
quez Gomez headed the portfolio of Foreign Relations, Gustavo 
Madero that of Hacienda, Venustiano Carranza that of Guerra, 
Federico Gonzales Garza that of Gobemacion, and Pino Suarez, 
Justicia. Upon receiving the news from Juarez, President Diaz 
sent word to Carbajal to arrange for peace at any price. 

WILD SCENES 

On the whole, the revolutionary forces in the north had been 
well held in hand. Few cases of cruelty marred their record 
of success. Two important incidents, however, deserve mention 
in this connection. On the 10th of May a three-days' battle 
began at Torreon. After a brave defense, the federal leader 
was compelled to evacuate the town. For some reason the revo- 
lutionary forces did not at once enter the place. The result 
was that the vicious and criminal element of the town broke out. 



STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 273 

and indulged in hideous deeds of arson, pillage, and murder. 
For some unknown reason, hostility particularly showed itself 
against Chinese residents. More than two hundred, some claim 
three hundred, were massacred. That the incident was not due 
to general and widespread hostility to foreigners or to Chinese 
as such is proved by the fact that at no other place was such 
massacre of Chinese indulged in, although there were plenty of 
towns in the disturbed area which contained a sprinkling of 
Chinese population. 

At Pachuca, the capital city of Hidalgo, on May 15th, a de- 
mand was made by the revolutionary leaders for the surrender 
of the town. Governor Rodriguez was not only ready to sur- 
render; he gave the order to the leader of his rurales that sur- 
render should be made. Instead of obeying the governor's 
order, the leader of the rurales with his forces proceeded to 
plunder and loot the city. For some hours they pursued their 
destructive rioting. The revolutionary forces, when they en- 
tered the city, soon put an end to the disturbance, and restored 
order. 

THE KESIGNATION OF DIAZ 

On May 17th, at a meeting of the cabinet ministers held at 
his house, President Diaz agreed that the resignation of himself 
as President and Vice-President Corral would be presented to 
Congress ''before the last day of the month." When this 
news was reported to Madero, he telegraphed an inquiry to 
President Diaz: "It is necessary to know whether the notice 
of your resignation is certain. I beg that you will answer me 
directly." The answer was: ''I shall resign in the course of 
the present month. The Licenciado Carbajal will give you the 
further particulars. ' ' 

Why was this delay from the 17th until the 31st of May? 
Who can say? People generally were inclined to think that it 
was due to the fact that Reyes had been ordered home from 
Paris and was nearing Mexico. On May 20th he reached 
Havana, Cuba, on the steamer Ypiranga. Is it possible that 



274 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 

President Diaz hoped even at that late hour to stay the tide of 
revolution? Is it possible that he hoped that the appearance 
of General Reyes on Mexican soil would rally supporters to the 
fallen cause? Reyes was once a popular idol; would his pop- 
ularity perhaps still save the day"? It hardly seems that he 
could have thought so, but stranger things happened during 
1911. However that may be, General Reyes found orders await- 
ing him in Havana, directing that he wait there until he be 
requested to come further. These orders seem to have been 
sent him by Francisco I. Madero. Reyes delayed. 

THE PEACE TKEATY 

On May 21st the treaty of peace was signed. It consisted 
of four points of agreement : First, the resignation before the 
end of the month of Porfirio Diaz and Ramon Corral. Second, 
the Licenciado Francisco L. de la Barra, Secretary of Foreign 
Relations, will have charge of the executive power during the 
interim and will order general elections within the terms of the 
Constitution. Third, the new government will study the con- 
ditions of public opinion in order to satisfy them in each state 
within the constituted order and will grant indemnifications for 
the damages directly caused by the revolution. Fourth, from 
this moment hostilities between the government forces and 
those of the revolution shall cease. 

These were the terms of the public treaty of peace. There 
were also secret understandings arranged regarding the details 
of the new governmental organization, the state governors, 
congress, and the attitude of the provincial government toward 
the revolutionary leaders. 

THE FINAL ACT 

The day finally set for the resignation of President Diaz 
was the 24th of May. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon a 
great crowd of people thronged the House of Deputies to wit- 
ness the solemn act. To the surprise of every one. Congress 
proceeded with ordinary business of no importance, as if this 



STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 275 

matter of vital consequence were not before it. Tumult ensued, 
threats of clearing the chamber had to be made, and finally, 
in order to quiet public clamor, Senor Calero rose and stated 
that the reason why they were not considering the matter of 
the resignations was because those documents had not yet been 
presented to them. 

This was too much for the angry mob. Those who had 
gathered in the House of Deputies in order to witness the sol- 
emn ceremony left in serious exasperation. Crowds soon gath- 
ered on the streets ; the building of the Jockey Club was stoned ; 
store windows were broken; the mob hastened to the house of 
General Diaz, which was defended by numerous troops. The 
noise of tumult, however, penetrated to the house. Part of the 
mob directed its way to the great plaza, and in front of the 
National Palace, made a demonstration. The police fired upon 
the crowd. Three gendarmes and nine citizens were killed, 
and nineteen persons are known to have been seriously wounded. 
This street demonstration and street killing was simply due to 
the vacillation and hesitancy of the old man in carrying out his 
promise to the people. 

The following day the disturbances continued on the streets. 
One killed and three wounded was the net result. The disturb- 
ances continued through the morning. In the afternoon the 
resignations promised were sent to congress, and immediately 
accepted by that body. With this action quiet ensued. 



276 



STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 




INDIAN MEXICO 

MEXICAN INDIANS SUSPICIOUS SUPERSTITIONS HOME LIFE OF 

INDIANS INDIAN CONSERVATISM IGNORANCE TRANSMISSION OF 

NEWS — THE Indian's desire — mistaken Indian policy — sep- 
arated AND isolated THE HOPE OF MEXICO. 

ONE of the most serious problems left unsolved by Porfirio 
Diaz was the Mexican Indian. If we consider the total 
population of the republic to reach the figure of fifteen 
millions persons, it is likely that six million of these are Indians 
of pure blood. If we draw a line across Mexico a little north 
of the capital city, we may quite fairly call the portion lying 
south of it by the name of Indian Mexico. The cities in this 
area are not Indian, though Oaxaca and some others in the south 
have a large number of Indians in their population. But out- 
side the cities the population is almost purely such. There are 
true Indian villages within twenty-five minutes of the Plaza of 
the capital ; there are important Indian towns mthin an hour 's 
ride by railway train; Aztec may be heard in current use, as 
the ordinary language, at points within the valley of Mexico 
itself; troops of Otomi Indians pass through the streets of 
Mexico almost daily; when celebrating the centennial, it was 
not necessary to send far for Indians to participate in the his- 
torical procession which formed so striking a feature in that 
splendid pageant. The State of Tlaxcala is almost purely 
Indian and is one of the most densely populated states of the 
republic; the State of Oaxaca has been said to have more than 
90 per cent of Indian population ; there are undoubtedly sections 
of Mexico where the blood of white men is breeding out and the 
percentage of Indian blood increasing. 

I know the Mexican Indian well. During four years the 
whole of my free time was devoted to a study of him in his 
mountain home, in the states of Hidalgo, Vera Cruz, Puebla, 
Tlaxcala, Michoacan, Oaxaca, Chiapas and Yucatan. Thousands 

277 



278 * INDIAN MEXICO 

of them have passed through my hands for inspection, measure- 
ment and examination. They differ of course from tribe to 
tribe, from region to region. The Archbishop of Oaxaca once 
said to me : * * Within my diocese there are many different kinds 
of Indians; there are tall ones and short ones, handsome and 
ugly ones, stupid and bright ones; they range from black to 
orange yellow." Yet there are certain characteristics common 
to all, and one may form a general conception of Mexican Indians 
which will be for the most part true. 

MEXICAN INDIANS SUSPICIOUS 

The Indians of Mexico are suspicious. Within their little 
villages every man knows his neighbor; no man knows out- 
siders ; the stranger is dreaded. There are many towns which 
object to harboring an outsider for a single night. They cannot 
understand why anyone should come to them unless he has 
designs against them. They are afraid of being robbed of land ; 
they suspect new forms of taxation; they fear that they may 
be forced into military service; they fear lest they be made to 
labor on distant plantations for foreign owners. These fears are 
based upon old experience, and on the whole are not without 
foundation; but beyond this, there is the natural suspicion of 
outsiders common to peoples living in isolation. Nor is their 
suspicion limited to white men. Not only are there long-standing 
feuds between tribes, but there are difficulties often between 
villages of the same people. Not uncommonly the traveler finds 
it difficult to secure food and shelter for his Indian servant; 
the village that may perhaps be willing ' to supply him with 
what he needs will absolutely refuse to minister to the necessity 
of his mozo. 

SUPERSTITIONS 

It is not surprising that the Indians of Southern Mexico are 
superstitious. Nominally and theoretically all of them are 
Catholics ; many of them, in fact, are devoutly so. They have, 
however, been sadly neglected. In many Indian villages the 



INDIAN MEXICO 279 

priest comes but one a year (upon the Saint's day), or twice, 
to say mass, to baptize, to unite in holy matrimony, or to repeat 
prayers for the dead. There are few villages but have a church, 
and frequently the church is fine, out of all proportion to the 
importance of the prosperity of the community. But while 
Catholics, the Indians are also pagans. Magic and ancient witch- 
craft still form an important element in their life, for most of 
the Catholicism is a varnish or veneer over the old idolatry. 
Archbishop Gillow once showed me a wooden figure, crudely 
painted, of a rain god which had been taken from the church of 
Mixistlan. It was found in the church itself at the high altar 
with the crucifix and figure of the Blessed Virgin. Many of 
the modern churches occupy the sites of ancient temples, and not 
infrequently the worship there performed is a worship to the 
old gods masquerading under a Christian name. The church 
upon the Pyramid of Cholula replaces a temple of Quetzalcoatl — 
the Fair God; it is likely that the ''church of the thieves" in 
Huixquilucan of the Otomis, has done the same ; they give room 
for thought. The churches at Guadalupe occupy a site that was 
sacred to the ancient Aztecs; the mother of God perhaps was 
forced to make her apparitions at the rock sacred to Tonantzin 
(mother of gods). For many of the thousands of Indians who 
gather at those shrines it is certain that the act of worship is 
the same todaj^ as anciently. Were there room, an interesting 
chapter could be filled with citations of survivals of paganism 
among the Mexican Indians ; and chapters more could be filled 
with examples of their superstitions and superstitious practices. 

HOME LIFE OP INDIANS 

The Mexican Indians are not lazy, nor are they cowards. 
In their mountain homes they cultivate the land and raise 
sufficient harvests for their annual needs ; in many villages they 
raise coffee and fruits ; some towns produce mattings, basketry, 
pottery, manias, and blankets ; in many places they burn char- 
coal. Some of these products of their industry are meant for 
export and are carried on human backs over the mountains to a 



280 



INDIAN MEXICO 




INDIAN MEXICO 281 

market. Bands of Mixes go a hundred miles or more to Oaxaca 
with heavy burdens of charcoal, coffee, or fruit. It is said that 
the man, who has carried a hundred or a hundred and fifty 
pounds upon his back up to the city and having no burden for 
his homeward journey, will load his carrying-frame with stones 
and carry them over the weary trails back to his village ; perhaps 
the practice is not altogether foolish. The Mexican Indians are 
timid and suspicious, but they are not cowards. They are not 
afraid of death; when they have a leader, they make good 
soldiers ; if equipped, they would defend their village and their 
land with bravery; to the last man, if they knew they had a 
nation, they would fight for it most gladly. 

The Mexican Indians are very poor. They may, however, 
be happy. If unoppressed, they gain a living rather easily; 
they want no more; why should they I In their towns they can 
produce all that they need; materials for their simple houses 
are abundant in their immediate locality ; food sufficient for the 
year's needs can be found and cultivated; cotton, and in some 
locahties wool, is at hand, and the women know how to spin 
and weave. Shelter, food and clothing, all are within reach. 
What more is necessary? If they have desires for anything 
beyond, the coffee and the charcoal will procure it. Whether 
they would be any better or happier if their needs were greater 
admits of question. Probably if they are to contribute seriously 
to the upbuilding of a great nation, their desires must be multi- 
plied. As it is, they live close to the margin. A party of a 
half dozen quartered on an ordinary Indian town in the mountain 
districts, may be a serious burden ; even the traveler who pays 
for all he uses is no blessing; the man who sells him food for 
himself and fodder for his horses, is dissatisfied ; he knows that 
ho is likely to be forced to buy the same things for his own 
needs a little later at even higher prices. 

INDIAN CONSERVATISM 

The Mexican Indians are conservative. Curious differences 
in this respect are seen. The Mixes on the whole are amonir 



282 INDIAN MEXICO 

those that have been least affected by outside influence; all 
of them speak their harsh language and most of them know 
little or no Spanish. Yet in the matter of dress, they are the 
least conservative of Mexican Indians. On the other hand, the 
Zapotecs are largely in the habit of speaking Spanish, although 
all also use their native tongue ; but in the matter of dress they 
still wear the old cueitl, huipili, and huipilili, made of material 
of their own weaving. 

IGNORANCE 

In many things the Mexican Indian is frightfully ignorant. 
He is not lacking, for the most part, in intelligence; he knows 
the necessities for his daily life in his little town; he is well 
informed in all the village happenings; he can appreciate jus- 
tice and hate injustice. But his range of thought is very nar- 
row ; he often speaks no language but his own ; he knows neither 
to read nor write, may or may not have been to the nearest 
market-town ; he has rarely seen a foreigner and knows nothing 
of outside lands. 

It is doubtful whether he knows the name of the governor 
of his state or of the president of the republic ; both state and 
republic are very vague, indefinite, ideas for him. Martin 
Gonzales, for many years governor of the State of Oaxaca, once 
hesitated to give me a general letter of introduction to all the 
officials of his state; he said: '^You should never go to an 
Indian town until you have been to the district capital and 
secured ordenes from the jefe politico; these Indians do not 
know me nor my name, but they know their jefe politico." To 
them their village is the center of the world. It is rare for them 
to exhibit curiosity regarding the place from which the occa- 
sional visitor has come. In order to answer the few who 
betray curiosity in such matters, it has been my custom to indi- 
cate my own provenance indirectly. A Chinantec Indian once 
asked about my home. He had never seen a railroad train, but 
knew of it and that it made extraordinary speed. I told him, 
''To reach my home, you must travel two days on foot over the 



INDIAN MEXICO 283 

trail to Cuicatlan ; a train takes you the following day to Puebla ; 
the next day another train carries you to Mexico City where 
Don Porfirio lives ; another train, taken at night, traveling night 
and day, reaches my city in four nights and three days of con- 
stant going. " As I spoke, a look of sympathy and pity passed 
over the old man's face, and shaking his head, he said: ''Ah, 
sir, what a remote and out-of-the-world place you. come from. ' ' 
It is probable that most Mexican Indians knew the name of 
Porfirio Diaz. He had been a fugitive in their own mountains ; 
he had slept in many of their villages ; members of their tribes 
had served in his army and as his body-guard ; relatives of many 
of them had been blown to pieces for disobeying his orders, or 
causing him trouble. He was undoubtedly the one man widely 
known among them. 

TKANSMISSION OF NEWS 

Every one who actually knows Mexico is frequently aston- 
ished at the way in which news and information travel. Fre- 
quently the peon in the Oity of Mexico knows the result of a 
revolutionary battle at a distance as quickly and as perfectly 
as the authorities who have control of the means of communica- 
tion. It is little less than marvelous how certain kinds of news 
travel. An insurrection is no secret, and while the Indian may 
know nothing of its causes, methods, principles, or leaders, the 
fact is promptly known. 

WHAT HE DESIRES 

The one desire of the Indian is to be let alone in his little 
world. He loves his village and his little patch of land. He 
cares nothing for the outside world. Content with little, he 
makes no strife for wealth in our sense of the word, though he 
can appreciate the kind of comfort recognized among his kind. 
To be left alone he will pay taxes ; he has paid heavy taxes in 
the past, and is paying heavy taxes in the present ; he does not 
know what they are used for; he looks upon them as a tribute 
paid for being left alone. 



284 



INDIAN MEXICO 




INDIAN MEXICO 



285 




286 INDIAN MEXICO 

MISTAKEN INDIAiST POLICY 

Under the grand regime lie was sadly treated. It was policy, 
that he be kept in ignorance. It was easier to deal with Indians 
in little tribes with local prejudices than to deal with them as 
millions of citizens of a republic. It is true that they knew 
their jefe politico. He was appointed by the Governor and 
was expected to keep order and turn over the local taxes. As 
long as he did that, he was considered a good officer and was 
reasonably secure in his position. He was a brute or worse; 
his was the iron hand; he not only turned in the taxes which 
were assessed to him by the state government, but grew rich 
and fattened from the excess which he ground out of the 
Indians. In many parts of the republic lands were taken from 
the unfortunate and ignorant Indians. This was usually done 
through the operation of new laws of which the poor creatures 
were completely ignorant or which they could not understand; 
they knew that the little patches of ground which they and 
their fathers had cultivated since the days of the Conquest were 
taken from them and they had no redress; so common were 
such acts of dispossession that every village lived in constant 
fear; the appearance of a stranger in the town was often con- 
sidered to be simply the preliminary of dispossession; the sight 
of a surveyor's instrument, or of a camera, which many of 
them thought to be the same thing, caused uneasy feelings. 
Not only were they dispossessed of their own land, but they 
were frequently forced against their will, on flimsy pretexts, 
to work upon plantations for the foreigner. There ^re places 
in Chiapas, where large Indian towns have been depopulated, 
where the jefe politico, on some pretext or other, had sold 
the labor of the town people to American and German coffee, 
rubber, and hennequin planters. Once in the hands of these 
employers of labor, foreigners, strangers in blood and speech, 
exploiters, the unhappy Indians were actually in slavery; the- 
oretically working out a debt or fine, they never succeeded in 
paying off their obligations and died as they lived on Strang- 



INDIAN MEXICO ' 287 

ers' land. Ignorant, oppressed, dispossessed, enslaved — it is 
not strange that tlieir natural suspicions were increased and 
that from time to time they attempted resistance. Hopeless 
resistance — ignorant, undirected, unled. When such evidences 
of dissatisfaction and uneasiness appeared, they were promptly 
and firmly dealt with by the great ruler. Ask the Totonacs, 
who saw their brothers blown to pieces by cannon about the 
firm rule of the benevolent dictator. 

Yet on the whole Don Porfirio was kindly inclined toward 
his Indians. He knew them much better than most people do. 
But it was easier to treat them like children than like men; 
easier to manage them separated and divided than united. To 
be sure it was a temporizing method of procedure. It was not 
the way to develop a real nation. But to produce an actual 
nation of ambassadorial rank out of such material was a serious 
problem. Anyway, it looked as if conditions would remain 
in statu until his period was past. And — * 'After us the deluge. ' ' 

SEPAEATED AND ISOLATED 

Separated and isolated, such are the Indians of Mexico. 
They are separated in language and by it; there are fifteen 
languages still spoken in the State of Oaxaca; there are 
thirteen in Chiapas — some of them included in the Oaxaca list ; 
there are others in the State of Guerrero, others in Michoacan. 
There are not as many as in the days of Cortes — ^many languages 
and dialects have disappeared — but there is astonishing diver- 
sity in language, and of course this diversity is a bar of sepa- 
ration between the Indians. They are separated in topog- 
raphy and by it. A given tribe occupies a little valley, or 
builds its villages upon a single mountain crest, or settles on 
the cultivable patches along a stream; located by natural con- 
ditions, their little world is marked out for them, and they can- 
not, do not, think beyond it. They are separated in ignorance 
and by it. Knowing nothing of men and things outside of their 
towns, they fear and suspect all others ; superstitions flourish ; 
progress is impossible. 



288 INDIAN MEXICO 

THE HOPE OF MEXICO 

Yet most tribes of Mexican Indians have admirable quali- 
ties. They are not lazy, but industrious; they have push and 
energy; though badly nourished, they are strong and endur- 
ing; they are persistent and firm — even to stubborness; they 
are capable of purpose and ideals. It was in a miserable Indian 
town of Oaxaca that Benito Juarez was born; to him the very 
existence of Mexico as an independent nation to-day is due. It 
was in a miserable Aztec town of Guerrero that Ignacio M. 
Altamirano was born; he was a man of letters and creditably 
represented his nation in the courts of Spain and France. The 
Mexican Indian is represented in art by the painter Cabrera, 
and the sculptor Instolinque. Nor are men of achievement 
from the Indian ranks so rare that it would be difficult to extend 
this list respectably. Some of the best qualities of Diaz him- 
self were unquestionably due to his Indian blood; it was not 
much indeed that flowed in his veins; his father was Spanish 
and his mother but a quarter blood Mixtec ; but his persistence, 
firmness, and force, his simplicity in life, and his endurance 
were distinctly Indian traits. The Indian indeed is Mexico's 
hope. If the nation is to become truly great, it can only be 
through the elevation and development of its Indian population. 



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INTEEIOE OF AEMOEED CAE. 



THE HOUSE OF CARDS 



WIDESPKEAD DISSATISFACTION PEEMONITOEY KUMBLINGS THE 

STOKM BUKSTS — KE EYE-WITNESS — ^RESTRAINT OF THE COMMON 
PEOPLE THE FALL. 

THERE was a time, within my personal knowledge of the 
City of Mexico, when any procession caused a delirium 
of joy; when any spectacle caused gaiety. In 1910 that 
time was past. During the centennial celebration there were 
such splendid spectacles as the Mexican people had never seen, 
yet scarcely a sign of pleasure; thousands thronged to watch 
the passing show, yet there was no outburst of delight; Porfirio 

289 



290 THE HOUSE OF CARDS 

Diaz, brilliant with royal decorations, and distinguished guests 
swept by without applause. 

WIDESPKEAD DISSATISFACTION 

Through the month I elbowed my way through the crowds 
and talked with man, woman and child. It is safe to say I in- 
terviewed a thousand persons. I always began with some nat- 
ural word of praise or commendation ; and I never had an appre- 
ciative response, not once. 

''What a splendid procession!" 

*'Yes, sir, but what result has it?" 

* * What a beautiful illumination ! ' ' 

**Who pays for it, sir?" 

** Hurrah! here comes Don Porfirio!" 

**He surrounds himself with bad ministers." 

''What a magnificent building!" 

"Who has grown rich out of it, sir, while the people starve?" 

"What a glorious celebration of your independence!" 

"Our independence is dead, sir." 

But these might be the discontented people of the streets; 
so I talked with barbers, tailors, printers, doctors, little shop- 
keepers, reporters, lawyers, government officers, soldiers, and 
policemen, but it was all the same. No one respected the gov- 
ernment of Don Porfirio ; and the mention of that detested man, 
Eamon Corral, or of some of the other ministers, brought out 
expressions of hatred from this long-suffering, gentle people. 
At least in the capital city, ninety -five per cent of the people 
seemed ripe for revolution. There was a floating suggestion 
that an outbreak might take place on the night of the 14th. I 
asked about this, and more than one replied: "What! an out- 
break on the 14th ! with all these foreign guests here, invited to 
celebrate our independence! oh, no, sir, never! we shall wait; 
nothing will happen until September is past. ' ' 



THE HOUSE OF CARDS 291 

PKEMONITOKY RUMBLINGS 

There were, however, incidents. They were kept out of Eng- 
lish papers and the government-subsidized Spanish sheets. One 
of these was the interesting incident of Sept. 11, on the 
Paseco de la Eeforma, in the shadow of the Columbus monu- 
ment, elsewhere described. That I saw. I did not see the fear- 
ful thing of Sept. 16, in the State of Tlaxcala, but I heard it 
talked about on the streets of Puebla and read the notice in 
the Diario del Hogar, a reliable opposition newspaper. Tlaxcala 
is a little state, largely Indian; it has long been misruled by 
Prospero Cahuantzi, himself an Indian, friend of Porfirio Diaz, 
and one of the worst of the many bad governors of Mexican 
states. In the villages of Santo Toribio Xicotzingo and Zaca- 
talco, the anti-reelectionists had asked permission to hold a pro- 
cession on the 16th, Independence Day. They gathered and 
carried out their program in Zacatalco and then those of Xicot- 
zingo marched back to the plaza of their village where they were 
on the point of dispersing ; there had been no disorder. A couple 
of rurales rode up and assaulted them, but were repulsed with 
stones. At that moment fifty cavalry men appeared, and with 
insulting words, fired upon the party, killing more than a dozen 
men and women ; the others fled to their homes like rabbits. 

On Sept. 13, a petition signed by thousands, was presented 
to the National Congress from the State of Oaxaca. It pro- 
tested against the seating of Governor Pimentel, who claimed 
reelection in the election held last June. To sign such a protest 
in Mexico at that time demanded great courage. Signers of 
complaints became marked men. Perhaps here they felt strength 
in numbers. Were not terror the law in Mexico, similar peti- 
tions and protests would have been made against Grovemor 
Martinez of Puebla, Mercado of Michoacan, Cahuantzi of 
Tlaxcala, and others — the list is long. In March, 1911, I was 
conversing with an important Mexican official about bad gov- 
ernors; after I had mentioned a dozen, he added, '* — and — 
and — and — ?" None of these men were actually elected by 



292 



THE HOUSE OF CARDS 



popular vote. It was long since any one of them had had a 
legal right to office. 



■^^^'nK- 




A FIEM GEIP. 



THE STOEM BUESTS 

The storm was gathering. The revolution was organizing. 
Its war cry was the election of 1910 ; its mottoes were, ' ' Effective 
suffrage" and ''No reelection"; its field was a population 
reduced to desperation by a long administration of injustice. 
Any leader could have gained a following; any leader of ability 



THE HOUSE OF CARDS 293 

was almost certain of success. At the time when lie began the 
struggle, Madero had neither fame nor record, experience, nor 
following. His book stated many important principles and 
carried force, though it was by no means a well-constructed 
argument ; his plan of San Luis Potosi is fairly written, shows 
little serious thought, and announces nothing really new. He 
knew nothing of military matters ; he was considered, even by 
his intimate acquaintances, a dreamer, unpractical, almost an 
imbecile. He had, however, some qualities of leadership. He 
was honest, after a fashion fearless, persistent, sanguine, and 
had entire confidence in himself and in his mission. In the 
preparation for the outbreak, he showed considerable judg- 
ment; he succeeded in making a favorable impression upon 
Americans and in gaining wide sjnipathy among the warm- 
hearted people along our southern border. 

It had been planned* that the rising should be general over 
the EepubUc; Nov. 20 had been appointed as the day of 
outbreak. The Diaz government realized that trouble was brew- 
ing, but they underestimated its seriousness. Several days 
before the 20th, the police of the capital city had discovered 
some details of the plot. Weapons and ammunition were dis- 
covered, in the express offices, declared as agricultural imple- 
ments, and these had been seized; those to whom they were 
consigned were arrested and held. On the 18th of November, 
two days before the date appointed, suspicion led to the search- 
ing of the house of Aquiles Serdan in Puebla. The interesting 
battle which took place there, and which, in a sense, may be 
considered the first public act of the revolution, has already 
been described in an earlier chapter. As the day approached, 
Francisco I. Madero, who had been having his headquarters in 
San Antonio, Texas, crossed the Rio Grande into Mexico and 
joined his supporters, ready to lead the insurrection in his own 
state, Coahuila. The general outbreak of the revolution on the 
day appointed was disappointing; the demonstrations made 
were by no means formidable ; almost everywhere the plotters 
seemed to have determined to wait to see what took place in 



294 THE HOUSE OF CARDS 

other places before they risked themselves in an adventure 
which might prove disastrous. 

A-N EYEWITNESS 

I was so fortunate as to spend the months of January, Feb- 
ruary, and March, 1911, in Mexico; it was an opportunity to 
feel a people in the throes of a revolution. One felt that Madero 
in the field in Northern Mexico was but a part of a great move- 
ment. At that time there had been fighting in Chihuahua, 
Sonora, and Lower California; there had been outbreaks in 
the States of Yucatan, Vera Cruz, Tlaxcala, Puebla, Guerrero, 
and elsewhere. The revolutionists lacked leaders and unity of 
plan, but everywhere the people were dissatisfied to the degree 
that they were ready to sacrifice their lives. No restoration 
of quiet was possible in Mexico until the demands of the aroused 
populace should be met. The common people were waking; 
they were thinking; they were talking. I saw and felt the 
movement, not on the battle-field, but at the center — the capital 
city. Daily the intimidated and subsidized press reported fed- 
eral victories and defeats of the revolutionary forces. But 
they deceived no one. It was wonderful how quickly and cor- 
rectly the common people learned the news; they knew details 
of battles, deaths of leaders, plans of campaign, days before 
the publication of these facts took place in periodicals. 

RESTKAINT OF THE COMMON PEOPLE 

One of the most striking and interesting features of the 
situation was the calmness of the people in the city. As the 
government forces lost ground, and the case began to look 
desperate, force after force was sent to the points of disturb- 
ance. Every one in the great city knew precisely how the forces 
were being drained off into distant regions. Finally, there was 
actually no force left in the City of Mexico for its protection. 
The fact was known to man, woman and child; the beggars, 
rateros, criminals, knew that the city was defenseless. If it 
had been Chicago, there would have been violence ; if New York, 
destruction of life and property; if London, years would have 



THE HOUSE OF CARDS 295 

been necessary to repair the damages which would have been 
inflicted; if Paris, the horrors would have been such as to be 
remembered for generations. But in Mexico there was no dis- 
turbance; the starving, vicious, depraved, and criminal, raised 
no hand, created no disturbance. I was so happy as to see the 
yielding on the part of the old regime. While I was in Mexico, 
Porfirio Diaz announced that he had long recognized the need 
of land reforms and that steps would be taken to divide the 
great estates when fighting stopped. It is a pity that, as he had 
long recognized the need, he did not move sooner. He might 
have given the people a grand thing to celebrate in September, 
1910. 

THE FALL 



While I was there, I had the pleasure of seeing the removal 
from office of Grovernors Terrazas of Chihuahua, Aristegui of 
Yucatan, and Martinez of Puebla. These men were no worse 
then than they had been for years before. The old president 
had learned of no new faults in them. Knowing their badness, 
he had held them in power against the urgent demand of those 
they governed. During my homeward journey, the cabinet — 
that cabinet of bad ministers, — resigned — to the public joy. 
Corral petitioned congress for long leave of absence; a com- 
mittee in the House of Deputies made a report, advising no 
reelection of president, vice-president, or governors. Had 
President Diaz taken the lead in those reforms a year sooner, 
what glory might be his! but he delayed and lost the chance 
of permanent reputation. The revolution triumphed ; the house 
of cards fell in total ruin. 



296 



THE HOUSE OF CARDS 




iTruenalo. manito! 

EXPLODING JUDAS: IN HOLY WEEK FIGUEES OF JUDAS AEE BUENED. 
HERE THE PLAN OF SAN LUIS POTOSI IS THE JUDAS. GUSTAVO 
KADEEO ADVISES HIS LITTLE BEOTHEE TO EXPLODE IT. 




FEDEEAL SOLDIEES, IN STEEL CAES. 



INTERIM GOVEENMENT: DE LA BAREA 



DE LA BARRa's ATTITUDE A MONGREL CABINET PROBLEMS PRESS- 
ING THE DISARMING OF REVOLUTIONISTS BANDITRY ^LOCAL 

OUTBREAKS DEMANDS OP FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS BREAK BE- 
TWEEN MADERO AND VASQUEZ GOMEZ SOCIALIST REPUBLIC IN 

LOWER CALIFORNIA LABOR TROUBLES TROUBLE IN PUEBLA 

ZAPATISM THE FALL ELECTIONS REYES AND HIS CAMPAIGN 

RESULTS OF THE ELECTION ATTITUDE OF THE ARMY. 

ACCOEDING to the terms of the treaty of Ciiidad 
Juarez, arranged between the Madero revolutionaries 
and the official representatives of the Diaz govemment, 
it was understood that de la Barra should occupy the position 
of provisional president from the time when Porfirio Diaz 
should leave office until a new election should take place. De la 
Barra was not an active leader in politics ; he was a good diplo- 
mat. He had been Ambassador of Mexico to the United States 

297 



298 INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BAERA 

and was well and favorably known in Washington ; at the 
moment of the success of the Madero revolution, he was Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs in Diaz' cabinet. On account of his 
having been in Washington, he knew more than almost any- 
other man of the attitude of the United States to Mexican 
affairs, and had been in touch with the representative of the 
Madero movement, Emilio Vasquez Gomez, who had headquar- 
ters in our capital city. It is doubtful whether a better man 
could have been selected to take charge of things in Mexico. 

DE LA BAERA 'S ATTITUDE 

He took the oath of office on May 26, a day after the resig- 
nation of Diaz was accepted by the National Congress. In tak- 
ing office he said, among other things, the following: *' Stranger 
to all political ambition and only anxious for the welfare of my 
country, I shall be, in the post which, for a time, I occupy, a 
jealous defender of the laws, especially of the electoral laws, 
in order that the will of the nation may freely manifest itself 
in the approaching election, to change the federal and local 
powers. 

''The happiest day in my public life will be the one on 
which, within the shortest time, which the electoral law and 
the situation through which the country is now passing permit, 
I shall transmit the power which I have received today to that 
citizen whom the republic may elect. I shall then return to 
private life with the tranquillity which duty performed yields, 
and with the satisfaction of seeing my country again exploiting 
its riches through the effort of labor, under the protection of 
peace.'* 

A MONGEEL CABINET 

By the agreement entered into at Ciudad Juarez, the cabi- 
net of the president was to contain some members who should 
directly represent the revolutionary movement and protect its 
interests. Accordingly, in his cabinet, which was promptly 
organized, Ernesto Madero, uncle of the leader of the revolu- 



INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 299 

tion, was made Secretary of the Treasury; Francisco Vasquez 
Gomez, Minister of Public Instruction; and Emilio Vasquez 
Gomez, Minister of Gohernacion. In addition to this repre- 
sentation in the cabinet, the appointment of Governors in the 
states of Coahulila and Chihuahua— the states where the chief 
battles of the revolution had been fought, and where its inter- 
ests had centered— were given to friends of the leader. The 
Governor of Coahuila was Venustiano Carranza, the Governor 
of Chihuahua was Abraham Gonzales, both of whom had been 
participants in the revolution. It was also understood that, in 
all inaportant matters, the government was to consult with 
Francisco I. Madero, whose advice should be given due weight. 

PKOBLEMS PRESSING 

Many and serious problems faced the new government, and 
any man who could deal with them fairly successfully would 
demonstrate his ability as ruler. Among the pressing prob- 
lems were the disarmament of the revolutionary forces, the 
suppression* of banditry, the demands from foreign govern- 
ments on account of the kilHng of their nationals, the reimburse- 
ment of financial aid privately given to the revolution, the 
indemnification of losses of Mexican nationals suffered through 
the revolution, and the aid of states to regain calm and stability. 

THE DISARMIN-G OF REVOLUTION^AEIES 

Naturally the most urgent matter was to disarm the forces 
of the revolution. In the best of governments, strongly en- 
trenched and in full control, it is a serious matter to deal with 
an army after a victorious war. There is always danger under 
such conditions. In the case of Mexico, in 1911, the matter was 
particularly delicate. Many of the forces of the revolution 
were undisciplined, discontented, ignorant men; they had taken 
part in the uprising, and many of them had joined because they 
wished to give rein to their vicious tendencies, and to enjoy 
the pleasures of looting and destruction. There were many 
who had been liberated from jail, and who had been serving 



300 INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 




Copyrighted by Harris and Ewing 

FRANCISCO L. DE LA BARRA. 



INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 301 

terms justly inflicted for actual crimes. There were many who 
expected, immediately upon the achievement of victory, to 
receive lands for their own use and to see the great estates of 
the past divided. 

The plan of disarmament adopted was to invite the soldiers 
to appear at stated centers and give up their arms to repre- 
sentatives of the government in exchange for sums of money 
which should depend upon the length of time which they had 
served and the reputation they had gained in service. The 
sums ranged from twenty-five to forty pesos for each person. 
It was understood that not all the revolutionary soldiers would 
be retired to private life— that was largely a matter for them 
as individuals to determine— but that some would remain as 
rurales in the service of the government with the intention of 
being used in combatting banditry. The new government 
promptly set aside 8,000,000 pesos from the treasury reserve 
for the purpose of this disarmament. It was soon found 
that serious problems arose. Many of the worst class of the 
revolutionary soldiers, released from prison and supplied with 
arms, saw nothing attractive in the idea of returning to calm 
and peaceful honest lives. They preferred to become bandits 
and continue a career of plunder and destruction. Many who 
had been prisoners feared that, if they appeared with arms to 
receive their payments, their old crimes would be remembered, 
and they would again be thrown into jail. Many honest patriots 
willingly came in, surrendered arms, and received their pay- 
ments; many others, less patriotic, failed to do so. It was 
realized that, all over the republic, banditry was on the 
increase, and that thousands of desperate individuals were 
at large. 



BANDITRY 



Not only were such individuals a menace ; there were whole 
bands of forces who had taken part in the revolution who re- 
fused to give up arms and preferred to remain as organized 



302 INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 

bodies in open banditry. The most notable of these bands of 
recalcitrants was headed by Emiliano Zapata, in Morelos. 

LOCAL OUTBEEAKS 

With the iron hand of the old regime lifted, and with so 
many difficulties facing the interim government, there were new 
outbreaks of trouble in many parts of the republic. Most of 
these stood in no actual relation to the past revolution; they 
were local troubles with the local leaders and frequently repre- 
senting long-standing feuds. Thus, in Sinaloa, there were out- 
breaks. The Yaqui Indians threatened trouble. In Chiapas 
the so-called war of castes broke out, with all the horrors of a 
trouble of its kind. These are but a few, though perhaps the 
most significant, of such local outbreaks, which had largely to 
be overlooked by the temporary government in Mexico. 

DEMANDS OF FOKEIGIST GOVERNMENTS 

Serious demands were being pressed by three foreign gov- 
ernments on account of the murder of nationals. At Torreon, 
when the Madero forces seized the city, two hundred or more 
Chinese were massacred. Naturally the Chinese government 
made strong representations to the new government in the 
matter. In the state of Puebla, there was a cotton factory with 
the name of La Covadonga. Many of its employes were Span- 
iards. There has always been a hostile feeling on the part of 
the poorer and less reputable of Mexicans against people of 
Spanish blood. A band of bandits, belonging to Zapata's 
group, attacked this factory, and as the Spanish employees 
attempted to defend it against attack, a battle took place in 
which a number of Spaniards were killed; the Zapatists en- 
tered the- factory and looted it completely. They killed a num- 
ber of the workers and frightfully mutilated them. Inflamed 
by the savagery already practiced, they went from the factory 
to some houses near by, where Grerman families lived, the men 
of which were in the employ of the Covadonga Company. These 
Germans had in no way opposed the attack of the bandits, nor 



INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 303 

engaged in defending the factory; notwithstanding this, the 
bandits entered the houses, ravished the women and killed all, 
both men and women. These outrages by Zapata's bandits had 
aroused the governments of Germany and Spain, who were 
pressing the interim government for settlement. 

BREAK BETWEEN MADERO AND VASQUEZ GOMEZ 

The Madero revolution was fought in support of the Plan 
of San Luis Potosi. When peace was finally arranged, there 
were many things in the treaty which were not in harmony 
with the details of the plan. Thus, the plan had promised an 
immediate change of all employees, everyone connected with 
the Diaz government being hurled from office; it was impos- 
sible, however, in accordance with the terms of the agreement 
made at Juarez, to carry out this promise. The Plan of San 
Luis Potosi had pledged that a legal judgment should be secured 
regarding the acts of the past administration, and that the 
officials of Diaz would be held to strict responsibility for mal- 
administration; the terms of peace arranged provided for no 
such judgment. The plan promised that the great landed prop- 
erties of Mexico would be divided into parcels, and that little 
properties would be assigned to individuals ; it was recognized 
now that such a thing was quite impossible. 

Naturally, the failure to keep the promises made in the 
plan upon which the revolution was based led to wide criticism 
and dissatisfaction. There were many of the prominent aids 
of Madero who were offended. Among these was Emilio Vas- 
quez Gomez. He had been, according to many, ''the !)rains of 
the Madero revolution." He was now the minister of the most 
important department in de la Barra's government. He was 
totally opposed to the present state of affairs. He insisted on 
the literal fulfillment of the Plan of San Luis Potosi. Efe was 
in favor, if need be, of renewing the revolution in order that 
the literal promises might be fulfilled. Between him and 
Madero there grew up strong hostility. 



304 



INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 




INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 305 

SOCIALIST EEPUBLIC IN LOWER CALIFORNIA 

A serious difficulty arose in Lower California. Two 
brothers, Flores Magon, had long been agitating against con- 
ditions in Mexico. They had criticized the old Diaz regime. 
Refugees in the United States, they had made Los Angeles 
headquarters, and had conducted a paper named Regeneracion. 
Through it they had aroused considerable hostility toward the 
great dictator. They had been implicated in the movement of 
1806 against the Diaz power. At times they had been perse- 
cuted by our Government in accordance with the suggestions of 
the Diaz administration. At one time the editor of Regeneracion 
had been imprisoned, and an agitation in his behalf was 
waged by some Americans, and on account of petitions in his 
favor he was released. During the revolution, the Flores 
Magon had been somewhat active. ^^ISTow that the revolution 
was past, it was discovered that they were interested in a plan 
to set up a socialistic republic in Lower California. The penin- 
sula of Lower California is, and will be, a considerable prob- 
lem for Mexico. It is a part of the national territory, but it is 
separated by water from the rest of the republic and is con- 
nected with only an artificial boundary line with the United 
States. It is a desert — rock, stone, sagebrush and cactus. It 
has a scant population and only one or two settlements of any 
consequence. In the Mexican Republic it forms, not a state, 
but a territory, with its capital at the little city of La Paz. 
There is no question that the peninsula has wealth and that it 
may some time develop into importance. More than once it has 
been seriously suggested that we should in some way acquire it, 
if not by purchase, by filibuster. The establishment of a 
socialistic republic under dissatisfied Mexicans in Lower Cali- 
fornia was a far more serious threat to the integrity of national 
territory than might at first have appeared. 

The Flores Magon sociahsm was pronounced doctrine. The 
existence of social classes was immoral. Wealth should be 
equally divided; the necessities of life should be within the 



806 INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 

reach of all, and equally; there should be no masters, no 
employees. In this time of public distraction, the moment 
seemed favorable for the setting up of the new experiment. An 
invasion of the peninsula was made, .and the settlers already 
there were driven from their homes, and ruin and destruction 
were unchecked. The forces at the disposition of the Flores 
Magon were undisciplined, and among them were many for- 
eigners, largely Americans. Recognizing the seriousness of the 
situation, de la Barra sent federal forces into the peninsula, 
and on June 22nd, at Tijuana, near the line of the United States, 
an actual battle took place in which the soldiers were led by an 
American named Mosby. It was really a battle, and a number 
of dead and wounded were left upon the field. The federal 
forces gained the day, and the refugees fled to the United 
States, where they were held by the American troops. Before 
the battle, the socialistic republic had appealed to the United 
States to have a protectorate established by our country. 

LABOE TROUBLES 

The administration of de la Barra was marked by a verit- 
able epidemic of labor strikes. It began with a serious strike 
by the employees of the electric company of the capital city. 
This is an enterprise under foreign management, employing 
hundreds of men in electric railways and lighting plants. The 
employees struck for shorter hours and higher pay ; their cause 
was just, and popular sympathy was strongly with them; the 
strike continued through several days and, before it ended, the 
mob, not the workmen, became violent ; attacks were made upon 
the electric cars, stones were thrown, damage done ; finally the 
police were obliged to take vigorous action, and the crowd was 
fired on. Some eighteen or twenty persons were wounded, some 
were killed. This strike was followed by many others — paper- 
makers, bakers, seamstresses, matchmakers, one after another 
went on a strike. All of them made demonstrations; day by 
day the streets were occupied by processions; the workers de- 
manded work, better pay, shorter hours ; there was an army of 



INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 307 

unemployed. The government, to prevent acts of lawlessness, 
decided to undertake public works in order that all who wanted 
employment might find an opportunity. Thousands of people 
were thus employed, and the serious situation relieved. 

TKOUBLE IN PUEBLA 

It was natural to expect that those who had been in power 
would be loath to relinquish it. In many states, cities, and 
municipalities the old leaders tried to maintain themselves in 
positions of importance under the new regime. This was cer- 
tain to lead to many and serious difficulties. In places where 
the revolution had been hailed as likely to bring about a release 
from petty tyranny, it was hard to see the old conditions per- 
petuated. It was true also that, in many places, strong feeling 
had arisen between the federal forces and the soldiers of the 
revolution. It was to be expected that, at times, quarrels would 
arise between these forces. Such difficulties actually took place 
in many places. The most serious of them were those at Jalapa, 
Guadalajara, and Puebla. The latter is of special interest. In 
July there were considerable numbers of revolutionary soldiers 
in that city; at night, on the twelfth of that month, a carriage 
containing several persons, drove past the quarters in which 
these soldiers were lodged, and as it passed, several shots were 
discharged at the building. The Maderists, thinking that these 
shots had been fired at them by federal soldiers, got up, 
swarmed upon the roofs of the quarters, and rushed out into 
the streets, firing at their supposed attackers. The soldiers of 
the federal force repelled the attack, and then in turn assaulted 
the building which served the Maderists as headquarters, and 
a frightful butchery took place which continued for many hours 
and which finally forced the revolutionary soldiers, who had 
scant means of defense, to leave the city and take refuge on the 
hill of San Juan. As soon as de la Barra was informed of the 
occurrence, he issued orders to the federal forces that they 
should not pursue the revolutionary soldiers, nor fire upon 
them unless they themselves were again attacked. At the same 



308 INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 

time he did everything in his power to calm the excitement of 
the Maderist soldiers. Francisco I. Madero himself, it is said, 
hurried to the scene to quiet conditions. It is believed that the 
original shots fired at the cuartel, in which the Maderists were 
lodged, were fired by the sons of the ex-governor, Mucio P. 
Martinez. 

ZAPATISM 

Throughout the period of the interim government serious 
acts of banditry were being practiced under the leadership of 
Emiliano Zapata. Repeated efforts were made to disarm his 
forces, but without result. The whole matter of Zapatism, 
however, ds too important to be treated as subordinate, and will 
be taken up in another chapter. 

THE FALL ELECTIONS 

As the time of the election neared, intense interest arose. 
There had been serious difficulty within the anti-reelection 
ranks. Francisco I. Madero had organized a new party under 
the title of Partido Constitucional Progresista. His former 
friend and adviser, Emilio Vasquez Gomez, headed the liberal 
anti-reelectionists who adhered literally to the Plan of San Luis 
Potosi. Very quietly, so much so that it may almost be said 
secretly, there had grown up also a new party under the name 
of Partido Catolico Nacional. It was the re-entering of the 
Church into active politics. While composed of a conservative 
element, and numbering many excellent adherents, the appear- 
ance of this party, based on religious lines, contains a threat 
of serious danger for the future of the Republic. There were 
other lesser parties, but these three were those that figured 
conspicuously. 

Of course Francisco I. Madero was the chief presidential 
candidate. E. Vasquez Gomez was running independently, being 
supported by the liberal anti-reelection element. Notwithstand- 
ing the pledges he gave on his return to Mexico, Gen. Bernardo 
Reyes had entered the political arena and announced himself as 



INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 309 

candidate for the high office. It was, however, fully realized 
that the only serious candidate for president was Madero. It 
was far different with the office of vice-president. Here there 
was a real question. The original plan of the successful revolu- 
tion was to place before the public a ticket on which Madero 
should be candidate for president and Francisco Vasquez 
Gomez for vice-president. The difficulties which had arisen, 
however, between Madero and the brother of his running mate, 
led to the desire on the part of the revolutionary hero to have 
another candidate associated with him. Through his influence, 
Jose Maria Pino Suarez was the candidate recommended by 
the constitutional progressive party. Two other candidates 
were in the field — F. Iglesias Calderon and Alfredo Eobles 
Dominguez. The Catholic national party also was firmly backing 
de la Barra as candidate for vice-president. He repeatedly 
refused to accept the nomination, but they persisted in their 
efforts. Before election time, Iglesias Calderon and Robles 
Dominguez had dropped out, leaving the contest to be fought 
between Francisco Vasquez Gomez and Pino Suarez. 

EEYES AND HIS CAMPAIGN" 

General Reyes had been conducting his campaign with some 
activity. On September 3rd, a manifestation had been organ- 
ized by his partisans in honor of his candidacy. As the proces- 
sion was passing through .the streets, the crowd showed signs 
of anger. When General Reyes himself appeared to address 
his people, the popular fury broke loose, and an attack was 
made which forced the candidate to seek refuge in a neighboring 
house. Appearing upon a balcony, he attempted to address the 
crowd for the purpose of calming it, but had scarcely begun his 
speech, when cries of disapproval drowned his voice and stones 
were thrown. The police were obliged to interfere in the dis- 
turbance. As soon as President de la Barra heard of the occur- 
rence, he expressed to General Reyes his regret at what had 
happened, and stated his desire to fully protect him in all his 
rights, even to the extent of calling out the public force if 



310 INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 

necessary. A few days before the primary election, General 
Reyes and Vasquez Gomez demanded that the election should 
be postponed until a later date. Madero, who was at the mo- 
ment in Yucatan, telegraphed to congress, urging that no post- 
ponement be permitted. He claimed, and undoubtedly with jus- 
tice, that nothing could be gained by prolonging the period of 
uncertainty, and that, the sooner a legally conducted election 
took place, the better for the country and for the bringing about 
of permanent peace. 

About this time, General Reyes left the country, and from 
Vera Cruz sent telegrams to the leaders of his party and to 
•President de la Barra. In that to the latter, he stated that he 
iwas leaving in order to avoid the vexations and bitter discus- 
sions being forced upon him by the Maderists, since the gov- 
ernment had not known, or cared to give sufficient guarantees 
either to himself or to his partisans. To this querulous com- 
plaint, de la Barra made a dignified response, sending his tele- 
gram to General Reyes at Havana, Cuba. In it he stated that 
he was certain that the government conduct had not influenced 
him to the action he had taken, since it had furnished him all 
proper guarantees ; that proper investigation had been made to 
discover the persons guilty of the manifestations made against 
him; that steps had been taken for his protection; that inter- 
vention had been personally made by himself to prevent diffi- 
culties of all kinds. It was quite generally suspected, as proved 
to be the case, that General Reyes was plotting a new revolution, 
and that he absented himself from the country in order to make 
preparations for it. 

RESULTS OP THE ELECTION" 

The election set for October first, took place as planned. It 
passed off with little or no disturbance. One hundred and twenty 
thousand votes were cast in the City of Mexico — something 
which never before had happened. On the whole, it was un- 
doubtedly the nearest approach to what could be called a fair 
election that Mexico had ever seen. It was not a direct vote 



INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 311 

for the candidates, but for electors. When, later on, the electors 
on November 2nd, cast their ballots, the results were as follows : 

Francisco I. Madero 19,997 

Francisco L. de la Barra 87 

Emilio Vasquez Gomez 16 

Scattering? 45 

As will be seen, more than ninety-nine per cent of the total 
votes case were for President Madero. 

The vote for vice-president was as follows : 

Jose Maria Pino Suarez 10,245 

Francisco L. de la Barra 5,564 

Francisco Vasquez Gromez 3,373 

F. Iglesias Calderon 173 

Scattering 51 

It will be seen that Pino Suarez received a little more than 
the total of all the votes cast for other candidates. 

ATTITUDE OF THE ARMY 

It will be appreciated that there was a certain danger from 
the army after the Madero revolution. It had been defeated in 
the field ; its sympathies had been entirely with the old regime ; 
it would look naturally with suspicion and dislike upon the 
victorious leader. During the interim presidency, de la Barra 
was careful to conciliate it and its leaders. Several times on 
public occasions he had taken pains to compliment and praise it. 
On one occasion, when the generals and other officers of the 
army gave a banquet, in his honor, in the speech he made them, 
he said: '^ Gentlemen: With the profoundest emotion and with 
the sincerest expression of my thanks, for the high honor which 
I have received, I ask you to raise your cups for our father- 
land, each day more loved, and for the army, each day more 
worthy of our respect, of our affection, of our admiration; for 
the national army, which ever waits with splendid serenity, the 
moment of test, which is for it the moment of glory, as the 



312 INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 

mould waits for the melted bronze, wMch immortalizes, trans- 
mitting to future generations, tlie grand, the beautiful, and the 
good." On a later occasion, when he was leaving his position 
as president interim, he spoke to the army as follows: "I shall 
carry with me," he said to them, ''many sorrows, many bitter 
memories, and disappointments; but I shall also carry a deep 
satisfaction, and that is that the loyal, honorable, and valiant 
army is the strongest guarantee for governments legally con- 
stituted. The absolute confidence which the executive reposed 
in the army, was responded to by it with the completest and 
most honorable loyalty." It was surely wise for the president 
interim to adopt this kindly, appreciative, and conciliatory atti- 
tude to the military forces of the government. It must, how- 
ever, be remembered that there were actually no causes of ill 
feeling between the army and de la Barra. He had not been 
connected with the revolution; he represented the old regime; 
he in himself aroused a sentiment of sympathy as the last sur- 
viving representative of the conditions that had ended. 

De la Barra was in power from May 26th to November 7th, 
a period of about five months and a half. When he came to 
power it is claimed that there was a reserve of 60,400,000 pesos 
in the national treasury; when he left office, this reserve had 
diminished to 48,000,000 pesos. This was to be expected. The 
country was passing through a difficult and trying period of 
readjustment. Many claims demanded settlement. Many diffi- 
culties, calling for large expenditures presented themselves. 

On the whole, de la Barra 's administration was a remark- 
able achievement. It was a difficult position which he had to 
fill. It was impossible for him to have a definite policy to be 
developed; the period of time within which he had to operate 
was brief. In the nature of things, it was impossible for him to 
deal with things with a free hand. Every act of importance was 
subject to advice, revision, interference by Madero, and un- 
questionably there were many occasions when the forbearance 
of both men was seriously tested. That he left office with gen- 
eral respect was greatly to his credit. 




MAYOE OF JUAEEZ, READING MADEEO'S DECL.AEATION, FEBEUAEY, 1912. 

FRANCISCO I. MADERO 

UNDER THE NEW REGIME A CHANCE FOR OPTIMISM THE COM- 
PLAINTS AGAINST MADERO COUNTER-REVOLUTION OROZCO 

REYES VASQUEZ GOMEZ FELIX DIAZ ZAPATA THE PRESIDENT'S 

CONFIDENCE. 



PERSONAL business took me to the City of Mexico in 
December, 1912. At that time Francisco I. Madero had 
been in power something over a year. It was possible 
to judge both his honesty and his ability as the chief official of 
the country. He was much in evidence. He appeared in public 
on every possible occasion. The first time that I saw him, he 
opened a congress of scientific workers brought together from 
all parts of the Republic. His address on that occasion was 
commonplace. A small man, with nothing of the presence or 
dignity which marked Porfirio Diaz, dressed in a common busi- 

313 



314 FRANCISCO I. MADERO 

ness suit, with a harsh and unpleasant voice and a quick nervous 
manner, the impression he produced was not entirely agree- 
able. One could feel that he was a man in earnest, that he 
meant well, that he desired to do his duty — but one also felt 
that he was consciously and intentionally posing. Rarely does 
a man give so much the impression that he is thinking that he 
is the cynosure of all eyes, the center around which all revolves. 

UNDER THE REGIME 

Conditions in the city were certainly unlike anything before 
seen in a generation. The streets were everywhere torn up; 
there was the appearance of improvements begun; nowhere 
was there evidence of improvements carried through to the 
end. Nothing seemed settled; the impression given was that 
more was undertaken than could possibly be completed. Dis- 
order prevailed. 

Every day during my stay I bought and read nine daily 
papers. Only two of them were favorable to the government. 
The rest were hostile in various degrees, and the frankness and 
virulence of their hostility was unprecedented in Mexico. Dur- 
ing the twenty years almost in which I had been visiting the 
country I had seen nothing like it. The President was men- 
tioned in abusive terms; he was accused of every undesirable 
quality; his acts were criticised with bitterness; what he did 
was wrong; his sins of non-commission were even worse. The 
opposition press was almost unanimous, in its insistent demand 
that he withdraw from of&ce ; this demand was reiterated from 
day to day; some journals, indeed, presented an alternative and 
demanded that, if he did not himself resign, he should force 
withdrawal from office upon his brother, Gustavo Madero, and 
the Vice-President, Pino Suarez. 

The meetings of Congress were lively. Never before, per- 
haps, in the history of the Republic had they been the scene of 
such disorder. Members spoke out freely. They had ideas and 
voiced them. Naturally there were two groups in Congress — 
those who upheld the government, and those who assailed it. 



FRANCISCO I. MADERO 315 

But within both groups there was division, and every man was 
ready to set forth his own ideas. Members called each other 
names, indulged in personalities, came to personal contests. 
The galleries had to be cleared and threats were made of closure. 
The opposition was outspoken in its criticism, Madero was 
accused of breaking all his promises, of indulging in flagrant 
nepotism, of stealing from the Nation, of driving the Eepublic 
into bankruptcy, of plotting and preparing for a new, con- 
tinued, dictatorship. 

A CHANCE FOR OPTIMISM 

Many of my friends, residents of Mexico for years, shook 
their heads doubtfully and longed for the old days of Porfirio 
Diaz. For my part, conditions seemed to me encouraging. The 
opposition press was virulent, unjust, brutal; but an opposition 
press is necessary in any democracy. No doubt it went to an 
extreme, and, as unbridled, became a danger. Perhaps a curb 
was necessary, and a new law was pending at the time regard- 
ing the liberty of the press, a law, by the way, which was not 
without bad features. Such a condition as then existed would 
have been impossible at any time during the dictatorship of 
Porfirio Diaz. Never, for many years, had the press dared to 
speak as it now spoke ; had Diaz still been in power, the situa- 
tion would have demanded the jailing of a score of editors and 
writers. As for Congress, every one knows what it had been 
for many years. No laws were passed except those which 
emanated from the government; bills were prepared and sub- 
mitted for unanimous approval; in those days there was no 
calling of abusive names, no quarreling, no personal attacks, no 
fighting ; all was calm and peaceful with the calmness of stagna- 
tion and the peacef ulness of death ; sometimes the deputies did 
not even take the trouble to go to the meeting hall; from their 
homes they telephoned their votes approving the governmental 
measures. Remembering the old conditions, these new ones 
were encouraging. They might contain an element of danger, 
but they were wholesome signs. 



316 



FRANCISCO I. MADERO 

THE COMPLAINTS AGAINST MADERO 



There were no doubt causes for complaint, just causes. 
Among the criticisms of the President, which were heard on 
every hand, were such as these : 




JOSE MAEIA PINO SUAEEZ. 

First : He had not destroyed the old regime, root and branch. 
He had promised to do so. When the time came to carry out 



FRANCISCO I. MADERO 317 

Ms promise, he found it difficult and inexpedient. It was not 
altogether easy to fill all offi,ces with new men, responsible and 
competent. More than that, when he was once in power, he 
found himself necessarily in contact with many men before in 
office who, by toadying or readjustment, seemed to harmonize 
with the plans and to be ready to carry out his principles. 
Great numbers of unfit representatives of the old power re- 
mained in office or had a word in the direction of affairs. To 
the more radical of his followers this was unsatisfactory. 

Second: He had not kept his promises in reference to a 
complete investigation and overhauling of the financial affairs 
of the old administration. In the Plan of San Luis Potosi he 
had definitely promised that, as soon as the revolution triumphed, 
commissions of investigation would be formed for determin- 
ing the responsibilities which the functionaries of the con- 
federacy, the cities, and municipalities had incurred. Once in 
power, that promise was entirely forgotten and no serious effort 
was made to fix responsibility or to recover damages. 

Third: In the same famous document Madero had said: 
**by taking advantage of the law of public uncultivated lands 
numerous small proprietors, for the most part indigenes, have 
been despoiled of their property, either by the approval of the 
Secretary of Fomento or by decisions of the tribunals of the 
Republic. It being the part of justice to restore to their ancient 
possessors the lands of which they had been despoiled in a mode 
so arbitrary, such dispossessions and judgments are declared 
to be subject to revision, and it will be demanded of those who 
have acquired them in a mode so immoral, or from their heirs, 
that they should restore them to their primitive owners, to whom 
also they will pay an indemnity for the losses suffered. Only 
in the case where such lands have passed to a third party before 
the promulgation of this plan, the ancient proprietors will 
receive indemnification from those in whose benefit the spolia- 
tion took place." This was one of the powerful influences 
which had helped him in his revolution. The fact that he had 
promised to the dispossessed the return of their little prop- 



318 FRANCISCO I. MADERO 

erties had been a mighty factor in his favor. It was easy for 
the leader of a revolution to make such promises. It was diffi- 
cult for a man at the head of the government to keep them. 

Fourth: It is probable that the election of Madero was 
honest ; it was more nearly a genuine election than Mexico had 
known for many years. But if his own election was honest, 
the same could not be said for that of the Vice-President, Pino 
Suarez. To secure the election of his friend and helper in the 
revolution, Madero lent himself to the same unscrupulous 
methods of which he had complained so bitterly under the old 
regime. 

Fifth: One of the chief complaints against Porfirio Diaz 
was that he held unfit, unpopular, and wicked men in office, 
simply because they were devoted to his personal interests or 
could be depended upon, on account of their own interests, to 
support him at every cost. No one had more loudly complained 
of this condition than Madero. Yet once in power, he forced 
unpopular officials upon the public simply because they were 
his friends or relatives. Pino Suarez had no claim to be made 
Governor of Yucatan, a post of special difficulty and delicacy; 
nor was he the man for Vice-President of the Republic. Nor 
was it wise to use his own personal family largely in official life. 
A brother and an uncle in the Cabinet was too large a representa- 
tion. Ernesto, his uncle, was a man of considerable ability, and 
perhaps fitted for the office under another president. Grustavo 
Madero was a dangerous man ; he had no ideals ; he was shrewd 
and interested only in gaining wealth and power. It is prob- 
able that he despised Francisco's theories and had contempt 
for his ideals. Anyway, he was a bad adviser and a malign 
influence. He and Pino Suarez were bosom friends, and together 
did much to change the policies of the president and to prevent 
his carrying out his pledges. 

Sixth : Money had been squandered ; the treasury was empty; 
the nation faced bankruptcy. Worse, the Secretary of the 
Treasury, Ernesto Madero, was arbitrary in his rendering of 
accounts. He claimed the right to disburse large sums of money 



FEANCISCO I. MADERO 319 

without a statement as to the purpose of expenditure. The 
money which the faimly claimed to have expended in the con- 
duct of the revolution had been reimbursed. The very respect- 
able sum of 700,000 pesos was entered as a single item 
without a word as to its destination. Here indeed was opportu- 
nity for suspicion, and it was claimed by many that this large 
sum was the return of loans from American interests, who had 
advanced aid to the revolution. 

Seventh: Under the influence of Gustavo Madero and Pino 
Suarez, it was claimed that the idealist, the democrat, was tend- 
ing toward an autocracy as arbitrary as that of the old dictator. 

Eighth: Doubt was felt as to the sincerity of Madero in 
the matter of reelection. Whether he still held the principle or 
not,^ it is doubtful whether Gustavo looked forward to retire- 
ment to private life when the period for which President Madero 
had been elected should terminate. This doubt was increased 
by the fact that the president had already broken pledges made 
in the Plan of San Luis Potosi. If he had not destroyed the old 
regime, if he had not investigated their financial record, if he 
had not taken steps to restore the properties to the little dis- 
possessed land-owners, what reason was there to believe that he 
would hold to the motto of his revolution — effective suffrage 
and no reelection? 

These were but a part of the just causes of complaint so 
violently urged in the opposition press and on the floors of 
Congress. They and all others practically reduce themselves 
to three general objections or criticisms. Madero had made 
promises which had not been kept. He had retained Huerta 
and Blanquet and many others of the old regime in power 
against his pledge and against the advice of his more prudent 
counsellors. With insistency he held Pino Suarez and Gustavo 
in position against the violent hostility of the thinking people 
of the country. 

COUNTER-EEVOLUTION 

At that time President Madero had faced almost constant 
revolution from the hour of accession to power. To most peo- 



320 FRANCISCO I. MADERO 

pie these outbreaks seem purposeless, without significance. Five 
of tliem had taken place. Each had a perfectly distinct character 
and cause. 

OEOZCO 

Orozco was a muleteer — an arriero — in the mining region of 
Chihuahua; he was a man of little education and no experience; 
he had given no special attention to politics or public questions. 
Personal and petty spite seems to have led him to join Madero's 
revolution. He became one of Madero 's chief lieutenants — ^was 
named a general. Even during the progress of the revolution 
he and his leader had squabbles. Shortly after the Diaz down- 
fall, Orozco again entered the scene as a revolutionary leader. 
His significance was simple ; there was no question as to Avhence 
his backing came. The wealthy interests which, in Chihuahua 
and in northern Mexico generally, fattened under General Diaz 
— the Creel-Terrazas and American mining interests backed 
him. It was the attempt of the old power to return. 

EEYES 

When Bernardo Eeyes failed to make a showing at the elec- 
tion by which Madero became president, he began to plot against 
the new regime. Some believed that he retained something of 
his old prestige and popularity; he took himself seriously and 
thought he could count upon the army and an independent fol- 
lowing; his revolution, launched Nov. 16, came to a miserable 
end at Christmas. His attempt represented little; in so far 
as it represented anything, it was the effort of the cientificos 
to regain position. 

VASQUEZ GOMEZ 

On Feb. 1, 1812, Emilio Vasquez Gomez launched his revolu- 
tion at El Paso, Texas. Embittered against his one-time friend 
and leader, he demanded Madero 's renunciation and announced 
himself provisional president. He expected the aid of Orozco 
who, however, failed him, and his attempt was a complete fiasco. 



FRANCISCO I. MADERO 321 

FELIX DIAZ 

On Oct. 16, in the city of Vera Cruz, Felix Diaz launched a 
revolution. He had been a general in the federal army, but 
his commission had been resigned. With pride he announced 
that he had captured that important city without the firing of 
a gun ; he proclaimed that what the nation needed was an imme- 
diate and permanent peace. He named himself provisional 
president of the Republic and announced that, as soon as vic- 
tory was secured, he would order a new election and give way 
to a constitutional ruler. Nine days later, on Oct. 25, his revo- 
lution ended disastrously, and General Diaz was himself a pris- 
oner in the hands of the government forces. He was tried by 
a court-marshal, sentenced to be shot, and escaped only through 
the personal intervention of President Madero. He was in 
prison for a time in San Juan Ulua, but was transferred to the 
city prison in Mexico. 

ZAPATA 

Most picturesque, and indeed most mysterious, of the revolu- 
tionary leaders with whom Madero had to deal was the red- 
handed Zapata. He is a bandit, without education, training, or 
position. Personal difficulties with petty local officials made 
him a leader of a band; he may have had good reason for his 
bitterness. He aided Madero 's effort. When the revolution 
ended, he was called upon — as were the other revolutionary 
leaders — to disarm his men and send them home. He named 
the sum necessary for the purpose, and it was sent him by the 
provisional government ; he accepted it, but did not disband his 
forces. A second time he was appealed to ; a second time he set 
his price, received his money, and remained with his men in 
open banditry. Curiously enough, the performance was re- 
peated a third time, but Zapata still remained in the field with 
his wild soldiers, looting and destroying. His escapes were so 
curious, his deeds of daring and his abstinence from actually 
attacking the capital city so strange that many people believe 



322 FRANCISCO I. MADERO 

that Madero did not wish Zapata to disarm his bandits, but 
secretly maintained them in the belief that he might need their 
assistance. 

THE PEESIDENT^S COXriDENCE 

The last day of my visit I had an interview with President 
Madero. He received us in a corridor at the castle of Chapul- 
tapec. A small table with some documents upon it was placed 
before his chair. He was dressed in a simple business suit and 
wore a cap which he removed and placed upon the table as he 
received us. He spoke English well, but always loudly, rapidly, 
and with oratorical effect, as if addressing a multitude of peo- 
ple. I told him that I had read his book upon the presidential 
succession with interest, and asked whether his views were still 
the same as when he wrote it. He replied that, for the most 
part, he still held the same views ; but he did not feel that his 
people were as competent to take an active part in the govern- 
ment as he had thought. After talking over various matters of 
policy, among them the new law regarding the freedom of the 
press, I asked the President whether he expected to finish his 
term of office, or whether he would withdraw. He replied that 
he expected to complete his term. I remarked, ' ' But, Mr. Presi- 
dent, there will be great difficulties in the way of your doing so ; 
there are many thousands who demand your retirement. ' ' With 
much earnestness he answered: ''Sir, I have met difficulties 
before now, many of them; I must expect to meet great diffi- 
culties in the future; but I shall surely serve my term of office 
through. ' ' 



HELD UP TO EIDICULE 

HE FALLS UPEIGHT WITH HUERTA WAREHOUSED GOODS COPYING 

THE EMPTY CHEST ^A DESPERATE MEASURE THREATENING 

VOLCANOES A USELESS PINE BREAKING THE PINATA. 

A SIMPLE picture often conveys thought more than an 
elaborate discussion. A good cartoon is better than an 
epigram. McCutcheon speaks more forcibly and to a 
greater audience than Keely. Sometimes one gains a clearer 
idea of a political crisis by studying the caricatures of the day 
than by reading the political arguments. The Mexicans are 
quick to learn through cartoons. Throughout the history of 
the nation at every time of crisis the cartoon has been used with 
great effect. In Madero's case it proved exceptionally effect- 
ive. While in the press he was mentioned and referred to in 
the most insulting terms, in the cartoons he was treated with 
keen and terrible ridicule. In writing he was called the 
*'orang," the ''imbecile," the "pygmy," the "neurotic" — (he 
was actually an epileptic) ; in the pictures he was represented 
as a pygmy, a child at play. In the beginning indeed he was 
represented as an ordinary man, but as time went on, the pic- 
ture of him was that of a smaller and smaller, insignificant, 
being. Among the cartoons which told the story of his admin- 
istration were many which appeared in Multicolor. It is worth 
examining some of them. 

HE FALLS UPRIGHT 

In one a street vendor with tumbling toys is represented. 
He is a common sight in Mexico. As he walks along the street, 
he throws little weighted figures which he has for sale on the 
sidewalk, where they immediately right themselves as they 
fall. In the cartoon such a vendor is shown throwing figures 
upon the pavement; the legend bel©w says, "He who always 
falls upright." The little figures bear Madero's face. It is 

323 



324 



HELD UP TO RIDICULE 



true that Madero was often lucky; he many times fell right- 
side-up; the common people had a sort of superstition in the 
matter. As he said himself, ''I have met many difficulties, 
sir." He felt certain that he would emerge from many more. 
It was the credulity or superstition of the epileptic. 




-jEl que siempre cae paradito! 
HE FALLS UPRIGHT. 



WITH HUERTA 

A gigantic soldier is represented, his shirt-flap marked "V. 
H." (Victoriano Huerta),^nd a little man grasping his sword. 
At the time Huerta, operating against the bandits in rebellion, 
was constantly reporting brilliant governmental victories. 



HELD UP TO RIDICULE 



325 




Estamos triunfando ino? i 
WITH HUEETA. 



326 



HELD UP TO RIDICULE 



Sometimes no doubt lie was gaining them. In the picture the 
little man is represented as saying, ''We are triumphing, are 
we not!" Even at this time the childlike dependence upon the 
military leader was commented on. But the meaning of the 
cartoon is to emphasize the insignificance of the nominal power 
as contrasted with the actual. 

WAKEHOUSED GOODS 

One of the saddest, because the truest, of the cartoons is 
entitled En la bodega — In the warehouse. The little man and 
an employee are in a storeroom where sacks of stuff are heaped 




— iY estas mercancfas? 

— E^tas tnercancSas son las que no se ban podido realizar 

WAEEHOUSED GOODS. 



HELD UP TO RIDICULE 327 

up in great quantities. He inquires of the employee, "How 
about these goods?" The answer is, "These goods are what 
we have not been able to dispose of." But the goods which 
had not been disposed of, with which nothing had been done, 
and which were left heaped up in the warehouse, were marked, 
"Individual guarantees," "Responsibilities of officials," "Ee- 
distribution of lands," "Effective suffrage," "Independence 
of governmental powers" (Executive, Judicial, Legislative), and 
"Liberty of the Press." These were goods which Madero had 
failed to deliver. The complaint was bitter that he had not 
kept his promises. 

COPYING 

Madero was always complaining of the Diaz methods. The 
dictator's cruel and illegal assumptions of power were the con- 
stant theme of his complaints. Yet once in power, he used the 
hated and discredited dictatorial methods. In the cartoon a 
teacher, looking down upon the Little Boy Blue drawing a pic- 
ture, inquires, "What are you doing, boy?" The little boy 
answers, "I am copying." The picture he is copying is a por- 
trait of Porfirio Diaz, set up before him. 

THE EMPTY CHEST 

Another cartoon labeled AuscuUando, deals not with the 
President, but with Ernesto Madero, Secretary of the Treasury 
and uncle of the President. It represents a doctor making a 
physical examination of that personage. Feeling the hollowing 
curves of the arm-pits of his patient, he asks: "What is the 
matter here in the curves ? ' ' The patient answers : ' ' Nothing, 
absolutely nothing." This needs a few words of explanation. 
"Que tiene ud" may be translated "What is the matter?" but 
it also means "What have you?" "Las areas" means "the 
cavities of the body under the ribs," but it also means "chest," 
"coffer," "vaults." So the innocent question of the doctor, 
"What is the matter here in your chest?" and .his patient's 
reply become, "What have you in the treasury?" "Nothing, 



328 



HELD UP TO RIDICULE 




El doctop.— |Qu6 tiene usted en las areas 1 
Don Ernesto.— Nada. absolutamente nada. 

THE EMPTY CHEST. 



HELD UP TO RIDICULE 



329 




jMirate en ese espejo! 
A DESPERATE MEASURE. 



330 HELD UP TO RIDICULE 

absolutely nothing." The picture has reference to the rapid 
depletion of the treasury under Don Ernesto's control. 

A DESPERATE MEASURE 

As difficulties had gathered around him, President Madero 
felt himself driven to ' ' suspend the constitutional guarantees. ' ' 
This is a measure which always indicates a desperate condi- 
tion ; it should be resorted to only when all other procedures are 
impossible. I was in Mexico when Porfirio Diaz announced the 
suspension of the constitutional guarantees, and well remember 
the prodigious effect produced upon the minds of all. Within 
the next few hours, thousands who before had been non-parti- 
san, openly adopted the cause of the insurrection. In a car- 
toon bearing the title, Ensenaza — instruction, teaching — :the 
artist represented a little man accompanied by an aged teacher. 
They are looking into a mirror in which is reflected the dim 
figure of Porfirio Diaz. Upon the frames of the mirror are 
the legends, '^He suspended the guarantees in the month of 
April. He fell from power in the month of May." This was 
prophetic. 

THREATENING VOLCANOES 

The topography of the valley of Mexico is utilized to teach 
its lesson under the title of Geologia — geology. A cartoon pre- 
sents a little hill upon which a pygmy sits ; surrounding it are 
larger hills from each of which a face looks out; below is the 
legend: ''The hill of the grasshopper (Chapultepec) is a hill 
of rock surrounded by dangerous volcanoes." Chapultepec 
(Aztec, meaning ''the hill of the grasshopper") rises from the 
level valley of Mexico which is bordered round about by a circle 
of mountains. The dangerous surroundings of the President 
were his cabinet members, some of them plotters against him, 
others heavy burdens on account of their unpopularity. A 
dangerous outbreak might be expected at any time on account 
of any one of them. 



HELD UP TO RIDICULE 



331 




332 



HELD UP TO RIDICULE 



A USELESS PINE 

A little gardener is represented holding a small pine-tree in 
Ms hand. He asks of his employer, ''Where shall I put this 
pine-tree r^ The employer answers, ''Set it out in the street." 
The play here is on the word pino. This means pine-tree, but 
the pino here intended is Pino Suarez. The demand on the part 
of President Madero's employer — the Mexican people — was 
loud and vigorous to throw the unpopular Vice-President over- 
board. 




El jardin^ro. — iDpiide planto el pino? 
El patr6n.— Pl&ntek) Vd. en la calle. 

A USELESS PINE. 



BEEAKING THE PINATA 



The last of these pictures to which we shall call attention 
is entitled Pinata politica — the political piiiata. At Christmas 
time the Mexicans have the custom of suspending a jar, full 



HELD UP TO RIDICULE 



333 




334 • HELD UP TO RIDICULE 

of nuts, candies, and fruits, at a good height, in the patio of 
their house or in their social room. Such a jar is called a 
pinata and is usually concealed by paper trimmings so as to 
look like a human figure, a flower, a boat, or other fancied forms ; 
the guests — mostly children or young people — assemble and are 
supplied with sticks ; blindfolded, they try to strike the pinata, 
breaking it and scattering the contents on the floor, where they 
are scrambled after by the guests. Of course the pinata must 
not be swung so high as to be out of reach. In the picture a 
pinata is being swung; the lady of the house, who represents 
the people, is directing the raising of the pinata by a soldier 
policemen (Huerta), and says to him, "If you keep on raising 
it, no one will be able to break it." Five children with clubs 
are waiting their chance to hit at the pinata which has been 
raised almost beyond reach. The woman is public opinion, the 
soldier policeman, the army, represented in General Huerta, its 
head ; the pinata is Madero ; the children with clubs are the lead- 
ers of the five revolutions — Orozco,' Reyes, Zapata, Vasquez 
Gomez, and Felix Diaz. Public Opinion warns Huerta that he 
should be careful ; that, if he too skilfully protected the Presi- 
dent, none of the revolutions could hope to break his power. 

The very essence of cartoons is criticism and partisanship. 
Both are shown undoubtedly in those which he have described. 
Still, every cartoon must appeal to commonly recognized facts, 
or to ideas the force of which is generally admitted. There is 
more instruction in regard to the mistakes of Madero to be 
drawn from an inspection of these pictures than from a long 
drawn argument. 




PASCUAL OROZCO 

EELATIONS BETWEEN MADEEO AISTD OKOZCO LACK OF DISCIPLINE ; 

MUTINY ^A POPULAR HEEO SEED OP DISCORD POLITICAL AMBI- 
TION THE COUNTER-REVOLUTION HUEETA IN THE FIELD 

OEOZCO EEAPPEAES. 



THE revolutionary struggle in Mexico brought many new 
and unknown men into prominence. Among them few 
have gained more notoriety than Pascual Orozco. He 
had been a simple arriero in the state of Chihuahua, bringing 
in metal and ore from the mining districts for shipment. He 
joined Madero's movement on Oct. 15, 1810, when he sought 
Abraham Gonzales, at that time active in organizing the inter- 
ests of the threatening revolution. It does not seem that the 
new recruit was impelled by any deep seated principles of poli- 
tics, nor by enmity toward President Diaz; the true motives 

335 



336 



PASCUAL OROZCO 



that led him to join the revolution seem to have been desire for 
gain and a deep seated hostility to a rival arriero, Joaquin 
Chavez, who was aided and favored by the Creel interests. 
Whatever influences acted to drive Orozco into revolution, he 
was actually one of the first leaders in the field. With seven- 




PASCUAL OEOZCO. 



PASCUAL OROZCO 337 

teen men armed with rifles, lie was in tlie uprising of Nov. 20. 
He proved to be an aggressive leader, and had soon been in a 
number of battles; in some of these there had been heavy loss 
on the part of the insurrectos, and Orozco gained the reputa- 
tion of a veteran soldier. He was conspicuous in the first actual 
victory of the struggle, the seizure of Ciudad Guerrero. He 
also displayed marked bravery in the two or three next notable 
successes of the insurgents. The American reporters, who were 
in the field with Madero's forces, did much to make Orozco 
famous. Summerfield, of the Associated Press, said at one 
time: "Madero believed in him as in providence itself, coming 
to look upon him not only as his own right arm, but as the right 
arm of the revolution." 

KELATIONS BETWEEIST MADEKO AND OEOZCO 

When on March 8, 1911, he was asked what grade Orozco 
held in his army, Madero is said to have replied: "Colonel, 
only colonel, but I shall make him general as soon as I have 
taken Ciudad Juarez." Curiously enough, while Orozco had 
actually deserved credit in a number of actions before this 
date, he did not distinguish himself again during the course of 
the revolution until the battle of Ciudad Juarez. In February 
Orozco had advanced against Ciudad Juarez. Before he had, 
however, made an actual attack, he was ordered to hurry to 
Casas Grandes to join Madero in his attack upon that city. 
Unfortunately, Madero did not await his coming. The battle 
was fought — and lost. It was one of the severest reverses in 
the course of, the whole revolution. It was one of the very few 
occasions when Francisco I. Madero himself led the forces. 
After the defeat at Casas Grandes the revolutionary forces were 
moved toward the capital city, Chihuahua, where for some time 
they tarried, but did not capture it. Finally, the revolutionary 
army made its way toward Ciudad Juarez, which was invested. 
Operations were for a time interrupted by the negotiations 
looking toward peace, but finally the city fell into the hands of 
the revolutionists and the armed struggle came to an end. 



338 PASCUAL OROZCO 

LACK OF discipline; MUTINY 

While at times lie showed bravery in the field and gained 
considerable reputation as a soldier and a leader, Orozco was 
badly disciplined. There was often difference of opinion 
between himself and Madero, and it is claimed that on May 13, 
during the period when terms of peace were being considered, 
he led a mutiny. This was widely reported at the time in the 
newspapers. Exactly what took place has been disputed. The 
report published in the El Paso Herald is as follows: ''Lack 
of funds, and practically lack of food, determined Orozco and 
his companions to rebel, discontented with the manner in which 
Madero, the provisional president, had conducted himself after 
the bitter battle of Juarez, naming ministers with whom, they 
say, he consulted political questions, by preference to his mili- 
tary chiefs, and for his evident neglect of all the actual necessi- 
ties of his troops. At about 9 :30 this morning Pascual Orozco 
brought together 100 of his soldiers, all well armed and 
mounted, and directed himself to the headquarters of the pro- 
visional president. There he demanded of Madero money for 
his men, who had not been paid, and food for their empty 
stomachs. Madero was not able to satisfy the demand. He 
explained that it would be impossible at that moment, but that 
afterward some arrangement would be made for meeting the 
necessities of the people. Orozco replied that the insurrectos 
had suffered for much time, and that Madero and his ministers 
had shown themselves incompetent. After this he declared 
Madero arrested. Outside, the soldiers of Orozco were drawn 
up in line, waiting with anxiety the result of the interview be- 
tween Orozco and the provisional president. Madero went to 
the door, and begged the soldiers to aid him in that crisis, 
explaining as he had done without result to Orozco, that their 
needs would be attended to within brief space of time; but his 
requests were not listened to. 'Viva Orozco !' was the cry which 
issued from the files of soldiers, and Madero returned to his 
office, followed by his general. The discussion continued. 



PASCUAL OROZCO 339 

Orozco demanded, the immediate deposition of the whole cabinet 
of Madero, saying with contempt that the ministers were incom- 
petent, and demanded that in the future Madero should give 
more attention to the immediate necessities of his soldiers. 
Madero submitted to these demands, he and his general em- 
braced each other, and the incipient rebellion concluded with 
the understanding that the cabinet should cease to exist and 
that the troops should be better cared for in the future.'* How 
much of this story of mutiny is true is uncertain, but that 
Orozco w;as treacherous and unreliable does not admit of ques- 
tion. During the time that the peace commissioners sent by 
the Diaz government treated with Madero, Orozco repeatedly 
went to them privately and discussed the condition of affairs, 
especially with Toribio Esquivel Obregon. 

A POPULAR HERO 

With the success of the revolution and the return of Pascual 
Orozco to Chihuahua, he became a popular hero. He who had 
been nothing, was now treated with the utmost distinction. 
''All the world acclaimed him; they waited breathless to hear 
him speak, even a word." 

The favorite pictures of the popular leader at this time rep- 
resented him as a very common looking, low grade mestizo. 
Dr. Eamon Puente, who wrote a book about Pascual Orozco, 
but who greatly disliked him, describes his personal appearance 
as follows : ' ' Orozco revealed clearly more than country rus- 
ticity, the wild instincts and savage passions of the criminal. 
His physiognomy has the features which betray the qualities 
inclined, and sensitive, to crime. His lower jaw broad and 
heavy, the enormous mouth, with thin lips ; the large face, with 
broad cheek bones; the discolored skin; the scant beard; the 
broad, straight nose; the projecting ears; and lastly, the cold 
and repellant glance, shot forth from faded blue eyes, showed 
in him an aggregation of anthropological signs extremely com- 
mon in the criminal man, to such a degree as to arouse in one's 
conception of him the impression of a mattoid." 



340 PASCUAL OROZCO 

SEED OF DISCOED 

During the interim presidency of de la Barra, Pascual Orozco 
remained in Chiliualiua, petted and adulated by those whose 
interests he might be able to serve. When the break came 
between Madero and Vasquez Gomez, it was commonly believed 
that Orozco was wavering in loyalty and inclined to become 
Vasquista. It is said that when Madero was making a cam- 
paign through Chihuahua in favor of the candidacy of Pino 
Suarez for Vice-President the following incident occurred: 
Madero was addressing a large group of hearers from a bal- 
cony. At his right was Governor Abraham Gonzales, and at 
his left Pascual Orozco. The audience heard the leader with 
great approbation until he came to speak of the question of the 
vice-presidency. ''He began by attacking Vasquez Gomez, in- 
tentionally exaggerating his defects and the tendencies of his 
policies, in order that the virtues of his own candidate might be 
more evident." The enthusiasm immediately disappeared. All 
looked to see what impression would be produced upon Orozco 
by the attacks upon Vasquez Gomez. Orozco showed no sign 
of' feeling. When, however, the name of Pino Suarez was men- 
tioned, the speaker was interrupted by a frightful outcry 
mingled with shrill whistlings and hisses. Madero did not lose 
serenity, but cried, "Ah, well, then, hiss me also." "No, no," 
thundered the multitude. "Then listen to me," he replied. 
The crowd was silenced, and he continued the eulogies of Pino 
Suarez, which, however, did not convince them. The author 
from whom this incident is quoted, believes that with' this 
incident Madero lost his last hold upon Orozco. 

POLITICAL AMBITION 

When Orozco went to the capital city to arrange for the 
disarming of his forces, he was received with the same enthu- 
siasm as in his own state capital. On that occasion, it is said 
that he was paid 50,000 pesos, for his services. He was not 
satisfied with the amount, and demanded that it should be 



PASCUAL OROZCO 341 

doubled. This was refused by Madero, and the two parted in 
bad humor with each other. Orozco was put in charge of the 
rural military zone of Chihuahua. This, too, did not suit him. 
He had expected a larger recognition of his merits; he had 
expected to be made at least the governor of his state. Nat- 
urally he looked with disfavor upon Abraham Gonzales, who 
was appointed provisional governor, until elections should take 
place. When the elections neared, Pascual Orozco entered the 
field as a rival candidate against Don Abraham. He was de- 
feated, and Gonzales was elected constitutional governor. Un- 
fortunately he was soon after summoned to Mexico to accept a 
seat in President Madero 's cabinet. He was made Minister of 
Gobernacion, at the time unquestionably the most important 
position in the body. To the disgust of Orozco, Aureliano Gon- 
zales was made governor interim during the absence of the 
actual governor. This man was certainly not adapted to the 
position. He soon found difficulties rising and had a rupture 
with his secretary of state, Braulio Hernandez. Hernandez 
at once announced himself a partisan of Vasquez Gomez and 
resigned the position. Meantime the wealthy interests, which 
had been encouraged by Diaz, and were committed to his cause, 
had in every way attempted to develop hostility in Orozco 
against the new government. These interests, of course, 
were the Creel-Terrazas faction. Playing upon his vanity, 
avarice, and jealousy, they inflamed him to revolt. In January 
Orozco was publicly complaining against the Madero govern- 
ment. 

COUNTEE-REVOLUTION 

He made four points : The Plan of San Luis Potosi had not 
been carried out, Madero had entered into league with the 
cientificos, the family of the president was practicing enor- 
mous abuses with the public treasury, duties of patriotism 
drove him to hostility. Matters were so threatening that Gov- 
ernor Gonzales was hurried back to his capital city to resume 
charge of the state government. Difficulties were thrown in his 



342 PASCUAL OROZCO 

way and he made a ridiculous figure before lie succeeded in 
regaining his city. Once there, and again in power, he was 
treated with contempt by Orozco and his followers. The Orozco 
movement having been supplied with funds to the amount of 
1,200,000 pesos by its wealthy backers, Orozco openly took the 
field in revolt against the government. The whole of Chihuahua 
was soon in open rebellion, outbreaks taking place in Ciudad 
Juarez, Casas G-randes and elsewhere. 

It is unnecessary to go into complete detail regarding this 
revolution of Orozco. It dragged on for months. Orozco him- 
self assumed great importance. He was in communication with 
various disaffected groups in different parts of the republic. 
For a time he seemed committed to the cause of Vasquez 
Gomez; he was flirting with the various groups of hostiles in 
the City of Mexico, to see where it was best worth while to 
throw his aid ; he even opened up communication with Zapata. 
He took steps to gain the recognition of the government of the 
United States. Finally an important body of troops was sent 
against him from the City of Mexico under the leadership of 
General Gonzales Salas. Associated with him were such well 
known officers as Generals Tellez, Trucy Aubert, Blanquet, and 
Martinez. They hurried to the city of Torreon, near which an 
important battle finally took place. It was badly managed. 
General Salas divided his forces, sending them to points the 
roads to which were badly known to him. The most serious 
combat took place in the Canon de Rellano. It ended in a serious 
defeat of the federal forces. The general-in-chief committed 
suicide ; the chief-of-staff , a lieutenant colonel and several prom- 
inent officers were killed; General Blanquet was wounded; 
Trucy Aubert was lost sight of, and for a time it was feared 
that he had met disaster; Tellez, with difficulty, succeeded in 
drawing his troops back to safety. The report of this disaster 
produced consternation in the capital. The hero, by the way, 
who gained the victory, was not Orozco, but EmlUo Campa. 



PASCUAL OROZCO 343 

HUERTA IN THE FIELD 

Greneral Huerta was hurried to the field as commander-in- 
chief of the federal army. He laid out a careful plan of ad- 
vance, providing for every contingency. It was carried through 
with complete success. It was at this juncture that Emilio 
Vasquez Gromez proclaimed himself president interim of the 
republic. Although he had been considered a supporter of 
Vasquez Gomez, Orozco took exception to his proclamation and 
demanded that he should withdraw it. It is possible that he 
was looking forward to proclaiming himself president; what- 
ever may have been his idea, he succeeded in terrifying the 
unlucky Vasquez Gomez, who realized that without Orozco 's 
aid he was nothing, and at once withdrew to San Antonio, 
Texas. Immediately after this incident there took place the 
battle of Conejos ; Orozco lost it, and withdrew to Rellano — the 
site of the former great victory, Huerta advanced and a sec- 
ond battle took place at Eellano ; again discipline and training 
counted for something, and the federal forces gained the day. 
Orozco fell back to Bachimba. The revolutionary leader un- 
doubtedly realized that he had no hope of winning the final 
battle. He prepared Chihuahua for the news of his defeat, had 
prisoners removed from the capital city to Casas Grandes and 
awaited the final test of strength. It came at Bachimba and 
resulted in a complete victory for Huerta 's army. With this 
battle the actual revolution in the north came to an end. Huerta 
and his victorious forces went on to the capital city of Chi- 
huahua. Abraham Gonzales, who had been forced to leave the 
governor's chair, had been in hiding. It was popularly be- 
lieved that he had sought a refuge with Villa. Between this 
popular leader in Madero's revolution and Orozco, there was 
deep-seated hostility. When Orozco was plotting revolution 
against Madero, Villa was still in the state of Chihuahua, and 
he and his men remained loyal to Madero's cause. Abraham 
Gonzales appeared, while Huerta was making his way slowly 
northward. He asserted that he had not been with Villa, but 



344 PASCUAL OROZCO 

in concealment elsewheTe. Huerta replaced him in his position 
in Chihuahua. 

OEOZCO EEAPPEARS 

Orozco disappeared and for some months nothing was heard 
of him. Disturbance of a desultory kind continued in the unfor- 
tunate northern state, but its popular leader was not in charge. 
With the 20th of February, 1913, when General Huerta had 
seized the power in Mexico, and the Madero government had 
fallen and its chief had suffered martyrdom, Pascual Orozco 
appeared once more upon the scene. He sent a message of 
felicitation to the provisional president, — ^his conqueror, be it 
remembered, — and stated that he should come to Mexico within 
a few days to place himself at the orders of the government. 
He really did so, and brought with him various of his helpers, — 
Campa, Argumedo, Caraveo, and his secretary, Cordova. He 
was received by Huerta and given a position as brigadier- 
general of the regular forces. Not only was the young man 
provided for, but his father, who had figured amusingly in all 
his period of grandeur, was made colonel. Pascual Orozco 
took a part in various battles under the new regime. He gained 
no great victories, but his past reputation made his movements 
matter of public interest. It was lately reported by General 
Bliss of the American army that he had been killed in battle. 
So many who have been killed since May, 1910, have later 
reappeared alive and active, that one feels a little doubt regard- 
ing such reports. 




FEDEEALS FIRING FROM STEEL CAR, TORREON. 



ZAPATISM 

QUESTION OF LAND DISTRIBUTION— ATTEMPT TO DISBAND ZAPATA 's 
FORCES— RAMPANT BANDITRY— ENCIRCLING MOVEMENT BALKED— 
DESPERATE SITUATION-EXCITEMENT IN CONGRESS-A FERVID 
ORATION— HUERTa's CAMPAIGN— UNDER THE MADERO GOVERN- 
MENT—SOURCE OF ZAPATISM— ZAPATISTS IN FEBRUARY, I913. 

IN the south Of the republic, two chiefs aided in Madero's 
revolution. One of these was Ambrosio Figueroa, in Guer- 
rero. He proved to be a man of definite principles and a 
oyal partisan of those to whom he gave his aid. He has quali- 
ties of leadership and has developed great ability. The other 
was Emihano Zapata, of Morelos. There seems to be universal 
agreement that he is a man of cruel disposition, strong passions, 
without education, but a plausible propagandist. He is false 
treacherous, unreliable. During the revolution the most shock- 
ing deeds of brutahty and barbarism-some of which unfor- 

345 



346 ZAPATISM 

Innately always take place in snch popnlar movements — ^were 
attributed to the wild bands under his direction. They seem 
not only to have themselves delighted in arson, rapine, slaughter, 
and mutilation, but they were given complete license by their 
leaders. Toward the close of Madero's struggle, Zapata seized 
Cuauhtla, after a brave defense by the federal forces, and per- 
mitted his two thousand men to indulge in hours of loot and 
dreadful slaughter. Similar scenes of butchery and destruction 
had been permitted in many other places. 

QUESTION" OP LAND DISTKIBUTION 

In the Plan of San Luis Potosi distribution of land to little 
holders, the great estates being broken up, was promised. 
Zapata claims that it was this promise which led him to revolu- 
tion, and that it was the hope of such land distribution that has 
kept him in the field. When the treaty of Ciudad Juarez was 
signed, and the announcement made of the suspension of hostili- 
ties, Zapata and his forces for a moment, but for a moment only, 
checked their career of pillage and destruction. They claimed 
to have expected immediate distribution of lands. Such distri- 
bution of course did not take place. 

ATTEMPT TO DISBAND ZAPATA 's FOECES 

De la Barra was suspicious of Zapata and anxious that he 
and his forces should promptly be disbanded. He was, there- 
fore, one of the first of the leaders of the revolution to be dealt 
with. He expected that he would be left in charge of a rural 
force; he seemed to consent to the disbanding of his men. 
•Events, however, proved that all the time he had not intended 
to give up his arms or ammunition, nor to retire unless division 
and distribution of lands were made. Agents were sent to deal 
with him; after much discussion and vacillation on his part, a 
number of his followers were brought together, presented, and 
received the money due them ; in return they gave up worthless 
arms and worn-out horses. "When on account of this treachery, 
vigorous action was planned against him, Madero offered to go 



ZAPATISM 347 

in person to confer with Mm and try to bring him to submit 
to the new conditions, give up his arms and ammunition, and 
disband his soldiers. The conference was held; Zapata seemed 
to agree to the proposition made by Madero, and promised sub- 
mission and disbanding. Before Madero offered to go to see 
him, troops had been dispatched against the bandit leader. 
Zapata told Madero that he would only give up arms and disband 
if these forces were withdrawn. The demand did not please the 
interim government, but the troops were drawn back to a cer- 
tain distance, and money was paid to the Zapatist soldiers ; again 
worthless arms were yielded in exchange, all good ones being 
retained in the hands of the guerrillas. Curiously enough, a 
third effort was made, a third payment given, and a third decep- 
tion practiced. De la Barra's government had reached the limit 
of its patience, and orders were given that he and his should be 
pursued relentlessly. 

KAMPANT BAISTDITRY 

Conditions really were desperate. Not only did bands of 
looters sweep though Morelos, leaving disaster and ruin in their 
wake, but they made incursions into the neighboring states of 
Puebla, Mexico, and Tlaxcala. These bands were really under 
Zapata's control. Their raiding and looting were going on 
during the period when the government was treating with him, 
and he was pretending to be making plans for disarmament. In 
connection with their excursions hideous crimes were perpe- 
trated. Among them was the incident of Covadonga, which in- 
volved the nation with the governments of Spain and Germany. 
As the result of the Zapata movement, Morelos was almost de- 
populated. Whole towns disappeared, the houses being burned. 

SURROUNDING MOVEMENT BALKED 

It was finally decided to employ the aid of Figueroa in deal- 
ing with the problem. He was told to cease disbanding his 
soldiers, and to use them in an attempt to suppress Zapata's 
forces. The period of time during which disbandment was to 



348 



ZAPATISM 




Photograph, UiKleruood an.l UihUtu,,,,, 



THE ZAPATA BEOTHEES. 



ZAPATISM 349 

take place ended with July 1, and it had been announced that, 
after that date, all persons found in a state of insurrection 
would be considered bandits. In August the headquarters of 
the Zapatists was at Yautepec. Together with regular forces, 
which had been sent to the field of action, Figueroa and his men 
began an enclosing movement. All was going well with the 
military enterprise, and it looked as if the problem of Zapatism 
would soon be settled. Nearer and nearer drew the enclosing 
circle. Then, suddenly, as it was learned later acting under 
special orders, one column of the enclosing forces abandoned 
its position, and the enemy escaped without difficulty and again 
began to overrun the country. The suspicion began to be gen- 
erally held that, for some reason, some one desired to maintain 
a force of the old revolutionists in arms. 

DESPEEATE SITUATION 

Finally the Government applied the suspension of guaran- 
tees, inherited from the former government, to the present 
situation. Any one taken in the act of insurrection might be 
shot without investigation. Chaos ruled. The railroad in 
Morelos was paralyzed ; trains were assaulted and innocent pas- 
sengers murdered; country places were attacked; little towns 
were ravaged ; the whole state was sprinkled with ruins, cinders 
and ashes, and the dead. On the 23d of October, a band from 
Morelos entered the state of Puebla and even penetrated into 
the Federal District. On the 24th, Milpa Alta was attacked. 
Towns close to the capital city, like Xochimilco and Tlalpam, 
were in terror and the people fled from their homes. Of course 
a force was hurried against the invaders from the capital city, 
but the bandits gained the heights of Ajusco and escaped. 

EXCITEMENT IN CONGEESS 

This was much too near for comfort. Assault had been 
made almost within sight of the capital city. A public demand 
for prompt and effective action rose. The clamor was echoed 
in the House of Deputies, and Jose Maria Lozano and Francisco 



350 ZAPATISM 

M. de Olaguibel made long and forcible speeches and demanded 
that the secretary of Gobernacion and the sub-secretary of the 
Department of War and Marine should appear before the 
House to explain the situation. The Sub-secretary of War and 
Marine was Manuel Gonzales Salas ; he was a relative of Fran- 
cisco I. Madero ; it was reported that he had told a newspaper 
reporter that "Zapatism would end three days after Senor 
Madero should take upon him the presidency of the Republic. ' ' 
In response to the demand of congress, Alberto Garcia 
Granados, Secretary of Gobernacion, and Manuel Gonzales 
Salas, Sub-secretary of War and Marine, appeared and were 
interpellated. In his speech Granados said: ''There exists a 
powerful influence which hinders the orders of the government 
from being executed. ' * The next day two meetings of the cabinet 
were held to discuss the situation, the second lasting for many 
hours late into the night. As the result of these meetings, Gran- 
ados, Salas, and Francisco Vasquez Gomez resigned from the 
cabinet. 

A FEEVID OEATIOF 

It is worth while to quote a passage from one of these 
speeches before congress. Olaguibel said in speaking of the 
Zapatists: "The first time the Zapatists gave up their arms 
and received the money; after some few days, they presented 
themselves before authority in a threatening attitude and took 
their arms again, religiously reserving, however, the money in 
their possession ; there was necessity of a new disbandment, and 
then the Zapatists gave up old worn-out machetes and flint-lock 
guns, rusted and worn-out, and kept for a better occasion their 
dynamite bombs and their splendid mausers. A third disband- 
ing was necessary and when the Federal Government, now 
wearied with treating with such bad faith, of striving with such 
notable perfidy, dispatched a strong column of valiant and 
devoted men, such as those of our army are, under orders of 
General Huerta; then Seiior Madero appeared like the biblical 
dove of the legend; Senor Madero said: 'I will reduce these men 



ZAPATISM 351 

to order;' and Senor Madero succeeded in delaying for fifteen 
days the action of the federal forces, detaining the advance of 
General Huerta, destroying the effectiveness of action of the 
federal soldiers, and, after tenderly embracing that most sin- 
cere General Zapata, returned to Mexico to continue his excur- 
sions and his speeches." 

HUERTA ^S CAMPAIGN" 

The government had really reached the end of its patience 
when the Madero mission failed. Huerta resumed his campaign 
in Morelos and made actual headway. Had he been left a free 
hand, and the time of the interim government been longer, there 
is no doubt that he might have entirely suppressed the diffi- 
culty. While his campaign was still in progress, Madero 
approached the president interim with the proposition that the 
government should issue a safe conduct to Emiliano Zapata, 
in order that he might go to live in a foreign country. This 
suggestion was refused by de la Barra. After this failure, 
Madero sent his personal representative, Gabriel Robles 
Dominguez, to Morelos, where he had many conferences with 
Zapata. It is believed that it was these conferences and certain 
understandings reached through them, which led to the unwise 
utterance of Salas that, three days after Madero should take 
upon himself the presidency of the republic, Zapatism would 
cease. However that may be, there can be no doubt that there 
was really some kind of understanding between Madero and 
Zapata, and that the hero of the revolution anticipated no 
trouble with the bandit leader when he should come to power. 

UNDER THE MADERO GOVERNMENT 

In this, however, he was misled. When Madero became 
President, Zapata still remained in apparent rebellion. Plun- 
der, violence, and crime continued. In April, Colonel Castro 
won a victory indeed in the town of Jojutla, leaving 400 
Zapatists dead. But in May all communication with Cuernavaca 
from Mexico was destroyed, and all trains trying to make the 



352 ZAPATISM 

joufney between the two cities were attacked. J. Figueroa 
Domenech, an admirer of Madero and partisan in Ms writings, 
says in one place in liis latest book: ''Zapatism, yes, was the 
blackest nightmare of Senor Madero and the blame of it, with 
justice could be imputed to him for not having consented that 
it should be destroyed during the interim government of de la 
/Barra. ' ' 

Even worse than Zapata himself seems, however, to be the 
new leader, Grenovevo de la 0. In speaking of him and his 
cruelties at La Cima and Ticoman, the author just quoted says : 
''He could not have had human parents; he must have been 
born from the union of a rattlesnake with a tarantula ; in place 
of a heart, his breast must have sheltered a pouch full of the 
venom of his progenitors." 

SOUECE OF ZAPATISM 

Our author, who is conservative in his economic and social 
views, enters into some discussion as to why the state of Morelos 
should be cursed with such an exceptional population. He 
ends his discussion with the following words: ''How is it pos- 
sible that, this being (the Zapatist) nearer to the anthropoid 
than to man, abounds so greatly in Morelos 1 If the cause was 
rooted only in the atavistic tendencies toward an inferior race, 
the fact would be frequent in the whole republic, and fortu- 
nately it is not so. The hot climate of the region, its spontaneous 
wealth which incites its inhabitants to idleness, the abundance 
of money which high wages supply and which facilitates the 
great consumption of alcoholic drinks, and above all, the abso- 
lute neglect under which in those districts public education lies, 
prepare the heart of the people for hardening itself easily 
before the spectacle of blood, and arouses within it the ferocious 
appetite of animality." Morelos is a district of great sugar- 
plantations. It is possible that, as the author says, wages in 
that state are higher than those generally in the republic. It is 
hardly likely that this abundant wealth in the hands of plantation 
labor is a serious impulse in the direction that he suggests. 



ZAPATISM 353 

That there may be a relation between the great plantation with 
its mass of ignorant, uneducated, untrained workers, and the 
widespread dissatisfaction in the state, seems possible. 

During the interim government, de la Barra appointed a 
land commission to deal with the agrarian problem. -When 
Madero was in power, a similar commission continued its 
operations, and perhaps serious steps were taken to investigate 
the problem of lands for distribution and the terms on which 
such distribution might take place. As President of the Repub- 
lic, he found it much less easy to make progress in this direc- 
tion than it had been to make promises when leading revolu- 
tionists in the field of battle. 

ZAPATISTS IN FEBRUARY, I913 

At the very moment when the bloody events of February, 
1913, were culminating, the Zapatists again appeared close to 
the capital city. Again we quote from Domenech because he is 
a Maderist partisan. He says : 

''And finally, as if all this were little for the terrorizing of 
the populace, there appeared close to the capital, 2,000 Zapa- 
tists who, like jackals, awaited the opportune moment for fall- 
ing upon the city and looting it. 

''And why did they not fall upon the city?" 

"Repeatedly we have said that Zapatism enclosed a secret 
difficult to discover, which appeared to show some connection 
or agreement between Zapata and Madero. Perhaps those 
hordes who hung about Tlalpam under orders of the fierce and 
sanguinary Genovevo de la 0, had orders to be there, for no 
other reason than to cause terror, and perhaps also (which is 
more probable), they did not venture to enter the city for fear 
of the heavy guns. The bandits of Zapata were only good for 
fighting from ambush amoug the briars of the mountain ; they 
had no valor for risking themselves in the streets of Mexico.'' 



354 



ZAPATISM 




GUILTY! 




UNCLE SAM'S CHEONIC STATE. HUNGEY FOE A NEW SLICEl 



ANTI-AMERICANISM 



WE AKE DIFFERENT WE DESIRE TO IMPROVE OTHERS THEY KNOW 

THE WORLD MEXICAN CITIES CONSULS AND DIPLOMATS OUR 

LAND HUNGER THE EL PASO INCIDENT ^LATIN-AMERICAN REVOLU- 
TIONS TWO KINDS OF REVOLUTIONS EXPLOITATION OUTSPOKEN 

ANTI-AMERICANISM' THE MONROE DOCTRINE THE FUNDAMENTAL 

RIGHTS OP NATIONS TAFt's MOBILIZATION HARD PRESSED FOR 

EXPLANATION. 

WHY do they liate us? 
WE ARE DIFFERENT 

Primarily and fundamentally because they are Span- 
ish-Indian, while we are Anglo-Saxon. Our characteristics are 
profoundly different. Our ideas and our ideals are different. 

355 



356 ANTI-AMERICANISM 

Our ways of looking at things are different. Our impulses are 
different. Our languages are different. The Latin Americans 
are artistic, we are not; they delight in beauty of form, line, 
and color; they have a sense of proportion; they love har- 
monies. We do not. They are graceful and demand grace ; we 
are not graceful and are not exacting. They are theoretical — 
they delight in the development of finished systems; we are 
practical. They are rhetorical, delighting in metaphors and 
figures of speech; their sentences are models of elegant com- 
position ; they delight in hair-splitting arguments ; we are blunt. 
In an ideal world, perfect in its construction, they would admire 
us, and we would admire them, because of our difference. As it 
is, we do not live in an ideal world, and difference is damnable. 
We doGpise the, Mexicans because they differ from us, they hate 
us because we differ from them. On the whole, they are far 
more polite and kindly in their toleration of our rudeness and 
crudity than we are with reference to their lack of aggressive- 
ness and up-to-date development. 

WE DESIKE TO IMPEOVE OTHEES 

They realize that we are different; they consider us most 
disagreeable. We assume and try to demonstrate that we are 
superior. Our attitude toward them is always critical and 
instructive. We are loud in our complaints regarding them, and 
that to their faces. We cry out that they are centuries behind 
in their development; we deplore that their natural resources 
have been neglected ; we note the absence of skyscrapers in their 
cities; we bitterly complain because they do not hustle. We 
send them missionaries ; we send them tourists. We send them 
some men who have failed in our country, for our country's 
good. Failures though they are, still they stand among them as 
representative Americans and undertake to change them. We 
have sent them quantities of adventurers, who have gone there 
to show them *'how to do things." At times these men make 
real success. More frequently they start in with a great 
*' hurrah," and come out with a grouch. Everything in Mexican 



ANTI-AMERICANISM 357 

methods and ways of doing business is a mistake ; they will intro- 
duce real American methods. For example, it has always been 
the custom in Mexico to take a noon-day rest — the siesta. Amer- 
ican business men looked upon the siesta as lost time; ''These 
lazy Mexicans," said they, "may loll around and sleep at noon, 
may close their places of business ; but we will hustle, our places 
will remain open; we'll show them." Of course the result was 
dismal failure. After all, the business was to be done with Mexi- 
cans, and if the Mexicans took their siesta, there was really no 
advantage in keeping the places open, with the certainty that 
no one would be there. In a thousand ways American methods 
of business are ill-adapted to Mexican surroundings; and the 
attempt to force them upon the country and to make the people 
over after a new and improved fashion is folly. No other for- 
eigners who go to Mexico for business ends feel called upon 
to bring in reforms and to introduce new modes of life and 
action. Even the English do not do so. As for the Germans, 
French, and Italians, they adapt themselves to the conditions 
of the country as far as possible ; they adopt the local methods 
of doing business. They gain a larger return with less output 
of capital, force, and energy, with less wear and tear, than we 
do; and between them and the Mexicans a much better feeling 
exists than between these and ourselves. Naturally, because of 
difference, all foreigners are looked upon with something of 
dislike and suspicion ; but the difference in feeling between the 
Mexicans toward continental Europeans and burselves is very 
marked. 

THEY KNOW THE WORLD 

Their dislike toward us is not due to ignorance of the out- 
side world. Of course we are here speaking of the upper class 
in Mexican society. The peon, the ordinary mestizo, and the 
Indian know nothing of the outside world; but the people of 
wealth have traveled. It is they, after all, who have been in con- 
trol; in the very nature of things it is they who will always 
occupy the high positions and come into contact with us politi- 



358 ANTI-AMERICANISM 

cally. These people are educated ; besides Spanish, they know 
French, or German, or both; now-a-days most of them speak 
English. They have culture and knowledge of social customs. 
They have traveled and know the life of great cities. They are 
familiar with Paris and London, Berlin and Madrid. As a rule, 
they do not like New York, and Chicago only irritates and vexes 
them. On the whole, for things intellectual, they look directly 
to Paris for patterns and guidance. Anything of interest known 
and developed in continental Europe they know, and if they like 
it, quickly introduce it. Elegance and luxury have been known 
in Mexico for centuries. The University of Mexico was founded 
seventy years before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock; 
how long after that event was Harvard founded? The Bay 
Psalter is said to have been the first book printed in what is 
now the area of the United States ; a wide range of important 
works, treating of many subjects, were printed in Mexico before 
the year 1600. The City of Mexico was world-famous before 
the attempt to settle Jamestown. Many of the shops in the 
City of Mexico are beautiful, and their show-windows, dressed 
with great taste, are brilliant. The display of gems at La 
Esmeralda compares favorably with those of the great jewelers 
of New York City. The first automobile that I personally saw 
was not in the city of Chicago, but on the streets of Mexico; 
it was weeks later before the first machine of the kind made its 
trial run in my own city. Curiously enough, the new invention 
did not at first take well with the Mexicans; the next time I 
visited the capital city, I did not see a single horseless car- 
riage; shortly afterwards, however, they again appeared, and 
to-day are numerous. 

MEXICAN CITIES 

It is not strange that the Mexicans prefer the cities of Europe 
to our own. Their towns and cities are patterned after those 
of Spain. They are compactly built ; there are no vacant lots ; 
the buildings are placed close together; while the majority of 
the houses are low, generally no more than a single story, they 



ANTI-AMEEICANISM 359 

are of even and uniform height; the idea of streets on which 
sky-scrapers, buildings of six or eight stories, stores of two or 
three stores, shanties, houses, and vacant lots follow each other 
pell mell and without order, can make no appeal to the Mexican 's 
idea of beauty, or urban conditions. A Mexican town of 30,000 
people is more of a city, better developed, presenting more 
of an actual urban plan than most American cities of three 
or four times that size. The cities of Mexico have always recog- 
nized the necessity of open spaces for public gathering. All of 
them have their plaza; all large cities have their public parks 
and breathing spaces. As regards civic decoration, their ideas 
are certainly better than our own. Decoration and illumination 
of cities on the occasion of public celebrations are notably 
artistic and beautiful. In public monuments, they far surpass 
us. Mexican cities, and even small towns, have always had the 
custom of evening concerts; almost every plaza has its band- 
stand, and the music furnished several evenings each week is of 
high quality. The point we aim to make here is that, if Mexi- 
cans do not like our cities, it is not because of their ignorance 
of urban life. It is because they prefer a different style from 
our own, 

CONSULS AND DIPLOMATS 

One reason why the Mexicans do not love us is that they have 
had small reason to admire our official representatives among 
them. While there have been some marked exceptions, neither 
our consuls nor our diplomatic representatives have been high- 
grade officials. Our consular service the world over has been 
a laughing stock and a disgrace ; it has been particularly bad in 
Mexico. We have made great improvements the last few years, 
and our consular service approaches respectability. But for- 
merly we sent to foreign countries men whose only claim to 
appointment was political service rendered at election time. 
Our consuls were expected to develop trade relations and to 
encourage the growth of business between these countries and 
ourselves ; our diplomatic representatives were expected to deal 



360 



ANTI-AMERICANISM 



with delicate questions and to develop strong and friendly ties 
between the governments. Yet men were repeatedly sent to 
Mexico who had no preparation or natural qualities for filling 
the office. Sometimes they have been men of inferior ability, 
with no intelli- 
gence or social 
training, and with 
no moral ideals. 
We have had con- 
suls-general whose 
chief official busi- 
ness seemed to 
be to introduce 
worthless but rich 
Americans to the 
seamy side of 
Mexican life, and 
^'to show them the 
town." We are in- 
formed that one 
consular officer, 
still occupying one 
of the most impor- 
tant positions in 
the service, had to 
have the superin- 
tendent of schools 
of his own town 
write his letter 
of acceptance for 
him, when he re- 
ceived his appointment from Washington; he has proved a highly 
successful consul, apparently because all the affairs of his office 
have been in the hands of a painstaking German assistant, for 
whose engagement, as he was not an American citizen, permis- 
sion had to be asked from Washington. The incompetence of our 




TUBNING OUT FOE GUARD DUTY ALONG 
THE EIO GEANDE. 



ANTI-AMERICANISM 361 

representatives as officials, their lack of character as men, their 
scant mental endowments and poor education, and their total 
lack of refinement and social qualities, have done much to make 
the Mexicans despise us. On the whole, their official representa- 
tives in our country have been of much higher quality than those 
we have sent to them. They have not always been men of 
strong character; they have feared us — and partly through fear, 
partly through politeness, have been somewhat yielding and sub- 
servient — but they have generally been better diplomats than 
our appointees. 

OUR LAND HUNGER 

The Mexicans hate us because we have deprived them of ter- 
ritory. The Republic of Texas could never have been founded 
unless Americans had encouraged disaffection. It would never 
have been founded had not the interests of our slave states 
demanded it. The loss of Texas to Mexico was a serious blow; 
it has always been ascribed to us. Mexico lost more than half 
of its territory to us as the result of the unfortunate and unjust 
war of 1847. We took advantage of her difficulties ; at the time, 
she was rent by internal dissension, and four different parties 
were struggling for the mastery. A divided enemy is an easy 
one to conquer, and the Mexican war was no great credit to our 
ability in the military field. As a fact, we wanted land — again it 
was land for the development of slavery — we took it. Mexico 
has not forgotten, she never will forget the act. No wonder 
she hates us. With this story of past aggression, it is not 
strange that she suspects us in the present, and with justice. 
Within the last few months, the Chamizal matter has been agi- 
tated ; it involves additional loss to Mexico. The idea prevails 
throughout the republic, among all who are thinking and talk- 
ing, that we have eyes fixed on Lower California, that we are 
encouraging dissension and rebellion in the north. It is believed 
that we hope to play again the same part that we played when 
Texas pronounced its independence. It is feared that American 
interests and American influence are so great in the northern 



362 ANTI-AMEEICANISM 

range of states that this region may proclaim its independence. 
It is well recognized that the new republic would have as short, 
or even a shorter period of existence than had Texas. Ameri- 
can mines, American lumber-camps, American grazing lands, 
American oil-wells, they believe will be the excuse for taking 
over another slice of territory, and reducing Mexico to the posi- 
tion of a Central American state of little more significance than 
Guatemala. 

THE EL PASO INCIDENT 

How deep this suspicion of our purpose to seize territory is, 
was shown by the popular feeling at the time when the two 
Presidents met at El Paso. Probably the occasion was only one 
for the exchange of international courtesies ; it is unlikely that 
any serious politics were involved. It is almost certain that no 
business of consequence was consummated. President Taft 
after his experience as Governor-General in the Philippines, 
came back to our country with new ideas of state functions. A 
Governor-General of the Philippines is, on the whole, a more 
autocratic and less simple being than the President of the 
United States. He is more used to form and ceremony. He 
has imbibed new ideas regarding functions. He looks with new 
eyes, tolerantly, upon meetings between potentates and rulers. 
Why should we not here in America repeat such meetings as 
take place with frequency between crowned heads in Europe? 
The question was natural to one who, as Governor-General, had 
ruled quite autocratically over millions of people in the Orient. 
At all events. President Taft was fond of the spectacular; bril- 
liant functions dazzled him; and in the geographical nature of 
things, the only brilliant functions in the direction of meetings 
of rulers possible were with Canada or Mexico. To arrange 
such a meeting with Mexico seemed, on the whole, more easy and 
more satisfactory than with Canada. Accordingly the proposi- 
tion was made that the two rulers should meet upon the border 
and exchange courtesies. Of course there was a difficulty. The 
constitution of Mexico provides that the President of the Repub- 



ANTI-AMERICANISM 363 

lie shall not absent himself from the national territory during 
the period of his administration. To do so might be perhaps 
considered equivalent to forfeiting his of&ce. Mr. Taft knew 
quite well the constitutional disability, but still he urged the 
meeting. Don Porfirio was always anxious to please the Presi- 
dent of the United States; he finally yielded to the influence 
brought to bear upon him and petitioned congressional permis- 
sion to go to El Paso for the meeting. The occasion of cours'e 
was splendid. The details were arranged with care. President 
Diaz, for the first time in many years, set foot on our soil ; our 
President visited Ciudad Juarez; there were banquets, toast- 
ings, flags, bunting, cheers, bands, commemorative medals, and 
picture postal cards. In fact, nothing was lacking to make the 
affair a great success; and our president's heart was satisfied, 
and our people boasted of the additional strength given to the 
bond between the two countries. But in Mexico there was seri- 
ous head-shaking ; it may be an example of suspicious ignorance, 
but there were thousands who asked themselves: "What can 
have been the motive "? What business of such importance had to 
be consummated that it was necessary for our President to vio- 
late the terms of our constitution and to go from the City of 
Mexico on to American soil? What new concession did he make 
to the United States? What secret document was it necessary 
for him in person to sign? Who knows whether he has not sold 
a portion of our territory to the Americans as Santa Anna did 
years ago I" 

LATIN-AMEEICAN" REVOLUTIONS 

We always think of Latin Americans as in a state of constant 
revolution. We do not realize how many of these outbreaks 
are fomented by outside interests. In 1896 I visited the Central 
American Republic of Guatemala. At that time the President 
of the Republic was Jose Maria Reina Barrios. He was on the 
whole a good man for the position. He had of course the bad 
qualities inherent in rulers where personal politics are in vogue. 
He no doubt was making money in office and through his office. 



364 ANTI-AMERICANISM 

But he was a man of ideas and ideals and genuinely interested in 
the advancement of his country. When we reached the capital 
city, the latest revolution had recently been ended. The Presi- 
dent had emerged from the struggle victorious. The incident 
was still the topic of common conversation. I was astonished — 
more, I was humiliated — to find that it was commonly agreed 
that the whole disturbance was due to American interference. 
The cherished plan of President Barrios at that moment was 
the construction of the Great Northern railroad. Guatemala had 
but a single railroad line in operation; it was the Guatemala 
Central, connecting the capital city with the Pacific port of San 
Jose. The proposed line in which the president was interested 
was to connect the capital city with Livingston on the Atlantic 
coast. There was no question that its construction would be 
a great benefit to the Nation. It would increase commerce, 
develop new industries, connect their republic more directly and 
easily with the outside world. But the Pacific Mail Steamship 
Company, whose interests in Guatemala were large and almost 
without competition, did not look upon the project favorably. 
It felt that the construction of the new line would affect its prof- 
its ; therefore, whether it would be useful to the country or not, 
was a matter of little consequence; its building must be pre- 
vented. For a long time the company had successfully fought 
against the new enterprise, by bribing legislators and raising 
legal difficulties. It had been defeated, however, in this method 
of procedure, and from its point of view the only remaining 
hope was to oust the President from office. Accordingly an 
insurrection was started, funds and advice were supplied. It had 
been a sharp and vigorous campaign ; it had almost achieved its 
end. But President Barrios had issued from the struggle vic- 
torious. The Great Northern Eailroad would be pushed to 
completion and opened. Of course in the long run it could do 
no harm to the Pacific Mail Steamship Company. With the in- 
creasing prosperity, which its operation would bring to the 
Eepublic, every line of business and development might be ex- 
pected to increase, and the company would receive a greater 



ANTI-AMERICANISM 365 

benefit from its share of new business than it would suffer loss 
from diminution in the business, which it had formerly con- 
trolled. The point, however, is that to this great corporation, 
financed by Americans and bringing profit into American pock- 
ets, the welfare of a nation, the continuance in power of a good 
ruler, the life and property of individuals—all counted for 
nothing. It was ready to be the agent for the commission of 
robbery, murder, arson, in order to continue to make profit. 
It was my first lesson in international politics. I have looked 
at revolutions in Latin America since then, with different eyes. 
I have found many of that same sort. 

TWO KINDS OF REVOLUTIONS 

There are indeed two kinds of revolutions in the Latin 
American republics. Those that actually arise within the re- 
public, growing out of the political, social, and economic condi- 
tions, and those which are fomented from without for purely 
mercenary ends by exploiting individuals or companies. The 
former are unfortunate, but in countries where personal poli- 
tics prevail, are unavoidable, and generally are based upon suffi- 
cient causes and are real movements in the direction of national 
advance and progress. Such should be looked upon with hope, 
and under no circumstances should call for interference. They 
form, however, but a small part of the revolutions of recent 
years ; most of these are directly due to interference by foreign 
money interests. Such deserve no sympathy from without, the 
interests involved should be refused protection by the home 
government. Such revolutions, however, do much of course to 
deepen and inflame a spirit of hostility to foreigners. To such 
revolutions much of the hatred toward ourselves is due. 

EXPLOITATION 

Undoubtedly the chief reason why the Mexicans to-day hate 
us is that they feel and think we are exploiting them and their 
country. Everywhere they find American capital owning their 
sources of wealth. They feel that, little by little their oppor- 



366 ANTI-AMERICANISM 

tunities have passed into foreign hands, and that their resources 
no longer remain their own. They feel that they are strangers 
in a land which has passed into the possession of others. Blindly 
and ignorantly they feel that they have been defrauded. They 
know that the transfer of properties has been made without 
consulting them. Those who think, really believe that these 
great and valuable concessions to foreigners were made by a 
band of adventurers who personally grew rich, without the mat- 
ter being referred to them for approbation. They look, and 
justly, upon the acts of Porfirio Diaz and his little clique of min- 
isters and politicians — cientificos — as illegal frauds. They 
know that they did not elect the man of iron to power; they 
know that he did not represent them in these transactions; 
they know they have been robbed. But they also know 
that we will fight, if need be, for our ' ' rights. ' ' They feel the 
hopelessness of it all, and in that hopelessness their hatred takes 
deeper and deeper root. 

OUTSPOKEN ANTI-AMEEICANISM, 

Anti-Americanism does not often find actual voice. It is a 
reality, but it is not always being flaunted. Now and then, 
however, it shows itself. Thus, in 19 — the lynching in Texas 
of a Mexican caused a great outburst of feeling in Mexico. 
Lynchings in Texas are so common that they have long ceased 
to cause any special comment or feeling among ourselves. But 
those lynchings are of black men, and we ar^ little likely to be 
disturbed by such. It was natural, however, that the reported 
lynching of this Mexican should cause a deal of feeling in Mex- 
ico. As in other countries, the excitement voiced itself through 
an outbreak of students. It was students who, on the occasion 
in question, paraded the streets and cried out against Amer- 
icans. Much was made of it at the time. It is surprising how 
complacently we in this country had assumed that the Mexicans 
must naturally love us and admire us beyond all other people 
in the world. That there should be a public demonstration of 
dislike toward us seemed a strange and unreasonable thing. 



ANTI-AMERICANISM 367 

There were thousands of Americans of intelligence who were 
actually surprised at the condition. But Anti-Americanism is 
a reality in Mexico. Not only in Mexico, but throughout the 
Central American Republics are we hated, thoroughly hated. 
We are hated in Venezuela, in Columbia, in Panama, in all the 
South American Republics. We are hated as a people, we are 
hated as a nation. 

THE MONEOE DOCTKINE 

It is time that we knew, and that the world should know, 
just what the Monroe Doctrine is. Americans do not know. 
Test it by asking two men, in whose judgment and knowledge 
you have confidence, about it ; ask them when they are together, 
and then sit back and listen to their discussion. Our Congress- 
men know no better than the man on the street. Our Depart- 
ment of State has no definite idea as to the Doctrine. The na- 
tions of Europe would be vastly relieved to have an actual defi- 
nition made of it. They might not like the definition, they 
might not be able to find it in the famous document, but it would 
simplify their problems and relieve their minds to have it stated. 
So far as Latin America is concerned, they hate the term. There 
is no question that, when Monroe promulgated his ''doctrine," 
he had in mind the protection of the newly founded Latin Amer- 
ican Republics ; he desired to encourage democratic institutions ; 
he was fired with ideals of liberty. There were perhaps some 
sordid suggestions in it, but these suggestions were not turned 
against the newly founded nations. To-day Latin America con- 
siders the Monroe Doctrine nothing more nor less than a notice 
to the world that the United States proposes to exploit the 
American continent lying south of the Rio Grande for her own 
benefit, and that she will tolerate no competition. 

THE FUNDAMENTAL EIGHTS OF NATIONS 

We have recognized the independence of all the Latin Amer- 
ican Republics. So have the other nations of the world. We 
have no more right to interfere in their internal affairs and poli- 



368 ^ ANTI-AMERICANISM 

tics than they have to interfere in ours. The mere fact that 
we are great, and strong, and rich, and ambitious, and grafting, 
enterprising and commercial, gives us no such rights. The Latin 
American states today hate us because they have seen us re- 
peatedly outrage this fundamental principle. They have seen 
us dictate policy, finance revolutions, make and unmake presi- 
dents, interfere in battles, browbeat, and threaten. They feel 
that under cover of the Monroe Doctrine — theoretically framed 
for their protection — they are being cut off from outside aid, 
finance, and politics, and being held completely at our mercy. 

taft's mobilization 

I was in the City of Mexico when President Taft mobilized 
a force for the first time on the Mexican border. The feeling 
produced by that act was extraordinary. It was certainly a 
mistake in policy which could produce no good result. Proba- 
bly fifty Mexicans during the day conversed with me about it, 
and asked its meaning. Many said: '^Does the United States 
really propose to force war upon us ? If she does, notwithstand- 
ing our weakness and the strong odds against us, we will ac- 
cept her challenge. We will of course be ultimately defeated, 
but we shall make a strong defense, and it will cost your people 
time, money, and many lives to gain the victory. " 

HARD PRESSED FOR EXPLANATION 

Many explanations of course have been offered for Mr. Taft's 
action, both in Mexico and in this country. The report went 
out from Washington that foreign nations and European powers 
were looking to us for the protection of their interests and had 
brought influence to bear upon us, forcing us to take steps toward 
filling our obligations. This is in the highest degree unlikely. 
It was publicly stated in Mexico at the time that, on the appear- 
ance of this explanation, the French and Grerman Ambassadors 
and the British Charge d 'Affaires called upon President Diaz 
and told him that at the request of their Governments they 
wished to say that the report from Washington was a lie. 



ANTI-AMERICANISM 369 

Whether this was actually done may be a question ; it is not un- 
likely. What is certain is that President Taft was deluged 
with remonstrances from Mexico. It was pointed out to him 
that his act had jeopardized every American interest, every 
American life in the republic. Long before effective steps could 
be taken in this country, American lives and property might 
easily be wiped out of existence. A rather popular explanation 
on our side of the border was that it might be a suggestive object 
lesson to foreign nations ; it might be well for other countries — 
meaning Japan — to know that we could promptly put a military 
force into the field. The explanation was ludicrous, especially 
in view of the difficulty that we found in moving and maintaining 
a force of twenty thousand men in good condition within our 
own territory, where we had every means of transportation and 
every opportunity for maintaining health and comfort. We can 
only hope that foreign nations — including Japan — did not too 
closely follow the details of the instructive object lesson; we 
may be sure, however, that they did; and know quite well how 
poorly prepared we were for putting forces in the field. The 
official announcement that the movement was simply ''manoeu- 
vres" deceived no one. Our annual manoeuvres had al- 
ready taken place, and the funds appropriated for them had been 
exhausted. The statement which finally seemed to be officially 
made with reference to the movement was that it was to more 
strictly maintain the laws of neutrality and to prevent the pas- 
sage of arms and war equipment into Mexico. It is proba- 
ble that the final conclusion on the part of many Mexicans was, 
that the movement was made at the request of Porfirio Diaz. 
It is hinted that the old man, finding himself in serious diffi- 
culty, and facing ruin, suggested the mobilization of forces along 
our border in the hope that it would be generally considered as 
a threat of intervention, invasion, war. It is thought that in 
the face of such a pressing danger, points of difference would 
be overlooked and internal quarrels forgotten; that all Mexi- 
cans would unite against the threatening force ; and the govern- 
ment would be enabled to reestablish its authority, and perhaps, 



370 ANTI-AMERICANISM 

later, to retire more gracefully from the field of struggle. The 
simplest assumption, after all, is that Mr. Taft moved the 
forces at the dictate of Wall Street — or rather with the view of 
protecting and aiding the large American money interests in 
Mexico. It was, however, a false move ; its folly was recognized 
in time, and nothing further done. Whatever may have been 
the cause, this threat, for threat it was, could but increase the 
feeling of hostility toward us already so strong among the Mex- 
ican populace. 





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FIGHTING IN THE STEEiETS, CITY OF MEXICO. 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 

A TRIPLE PLOT THE FIRST ATTEMPT THE SECOND EFFORT — THE 

THIRD AND FINAL ATTEMPT THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE THE 

ARREST OP MADERO MURDER OF GUSTAVO MADERO OFFICIAL 

REPORT OF THE DEATH OF MADERO AND PINO SUAREZ BERNARDO 

REYES ^ANOTHER VERSION OF THE BATTLE ^EFFECT IN MEXICO — 

FELIX DIAZ MADE TO UNDERSTAND MADERO 's ERRORS THE 

QUESTION OF RECOGNITION. 

IT is strange that he did not see what was coming. Before 
the middle of December, I heard from a source of excep- 
tionally-tested accuracy that the Diaz revolution in Novem- 
ber was the first of a series of three efforts arranged at one 
time by one and the same group of conspirators. 

371 



372 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 




>^ 



o 



1-1 

o 

I— t 
H 

M 

H 
O 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 373 

A TEIPLE PLOT 

If the first effort failed, the second would be made; if it 
failed, the third would be tried. The group interested was the 
old group, followers of Porfirio Diaz, anxious to restore so 
nearly as they could the conditions of the past. If their three 
efforts really failed, they would resign themselves to the inevi- 
table, and conform to existing circumstances. 

THE FIRST ATTEMPT 

The first attempt failed dismally. It was launched on Octo- 
ber 16th, in the city of Vera Cruz. Its leader was Gen. Felix 
Diaz. This man was the nephew of the old President, son of a 
brother. He was born in Oaxaca in 1867. When sixteen years 
of age, he entered the military college, pursuing his studies for 
six years and receiving the appointment of lieutenant. He was 
located for some time in the State of Vera Cruz in connection 
with the work of the government Greographical Exploring Com- 
mission. In 1898 he was chief of the president's staff, married 
Isabela Alcolea of Vera Cruz, and was elected to the House of 
Deputies, representing the State of Vera Cruz. In 1902 he was 
Consul-General in Chile. Three years later he returned to the 
City of Mexico and resumed his duties as chief of the presi- 
dent's staff. For a time he was Inspector-General of Police. 
He had been raised from time to time in military rank, and at 
the moment of the Madero Eevolution bore the title of General. 
When Madero 's difficulties as President were thickening, Felix 
Diaz had some aspirations toward the presidency. He had 
always been a heavy burden for his uncle, who tried in vain to 
find some position of consequence which he was qualified to 
occupy. 

It was well understood that Felix Diaz was ready to partici- 
pate in any effort to remove Madero. On account of his. hostile 
attitude, his commission had been resigned and he himself 
placed upon the retired list. In accordance with the plan 
already mentioned, Felix Diaz began his revolution by seizing 



374 THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 

the city of Vera Cruz on October IGth. In his proclamation he 
announced with pride that he had captured that important city 
without the firing of a gun; he declared that what the nation 
needed was an immediate and permanent peace ; he named him- 
self Provisional President of the Republic and announced that, 
as soon as victory was secured, he should order a new election 
and give way to a constitutional ruler. The ease with which 
the revolution was suppressed shows that Diaz himself had 
made no serious preparation; counting upon his name and the 
wealth and position of his wife's friends, he believed the vic- 
tory already won. It is probable that he was betrayed. It is 
likely that the President knew all the details of the plot before- 
hand. At all events, the matter was promptly dealt with, and 
in nine days after his proclamation the revolution came to a 
complete end. General Diaz was himself a prisoner. A court- 
martial, continuing all night, was held, and he was condemned 
to death. Wisdom demanded his execution, but there was a 
feeling that much sentiment would be aroused by the outright 
killing of one who bore the name of Diaz. It was feared that a 
bad impression would be caused in the United States and in 
foreign countries. President Madero intervened. Felix Diaz, 
instead of being executed, was imprisoned in the fortress of 
San Juan Ulua, in Vera Cruz harbor. Through the influence 
of Huerta and Blanquet, with reference no doubt to the future 
developments already planned, he was transferred from there 
to the City of Mexico, where he was held a prisoner in the 
penitentiary. 

THE SECOND EFFORT 

If President Madero had been informed so thoroughly with 
reference to the plan of Vera Cruz, it was to be supposed that 
he was equally advised with reference to the further plots of 
the conspirators. It is probable that the second attempt was 
easily nipped. It is difficult to know the actual facts. It seems 
probable, however, that the second attempt was to have come 
in December and involved a member of the cabinet, J. Flores 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 



375 



Magon, and the Ambassador of Mexico at Washington, Manuel 
Calero. Apparently Orozco was to have been the military 
man to carry out this plot. There is much mystery in the mat- 
ter. J. Flores Magon was forced to resign from the Cabinet; 
Manuel Calero was hastily recalled from Washington and Las- 
curain, head of the Department of Foreign Affairs, went there 




THE AMBASSADOR'S EETUR^'. 



376 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 




Photographed by Uiuierwood and Underwood 

FELIX DIAZ AND JOSE KOMEEO. 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 377 

to take his place. If, as we believe, this Flores Magon-Calero 
tangle was the second attempt of the plotters, it was so easily 
strangled that it is certain that Madero was fully acquainted 
with the plan. 

THE THIRD AND FINAL ATTEMPT 

So much the more surprising that the third attempt seems 
to have found him unprepared. It is still fresh in the public 
mind, and its results still trouble us. It was spectacular; it 
filled the world with wonder, astonishment, horror. A nine 
days' battle in a capital city, between regular troops, with 
cannon and complete equipment of war ! From day to day the 
newspapers were filled with minute details of its progress. 
Streets were barricaded, assaults were made, and the ground 
was strewn with dead and wounded. It is not necessary to 
narrate the incidents in detail. Briefly stated, it may be said 
that on the 9th of February, 1913, some of the government 
troops revolted; they were led by students from the military 
school of Tlalpam. They first went to the penitentiary where 
they released Felix Diaz from prison; thence to the military 
prison of Santiago where Bernardo Reyes was set at liberty. 
Up to this time General Mondragon seems to have been in charge 
of the mutineers, but after the release of the two old generals, 
he gave way to them. The mutinous forces divided ; one group 
under Diaz proceeded to the Ciudadela, which was seized ; the 
other, under Bernardo Reyes, marched to the great plaza and 
demanded the surrender of the National Palace. Preparations 
had been made for defense, and the surrender of the palace was 
refused. In the first encounter, in the early morning, before 
the palace. General Reyes was shot in the head and killed. It is 
claimed that in the effort of the assailants to gain admission to 
the palace courtyard, several cadets were caught and shot, 
among them being a son of General Blanquet. It is also stated 
that, when the colonel leading the cadets found that resistance 
was offered, he ordered a retreat and was shot by them. 



378 • THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 

THE NINE days' BATTLE 

President Madero, hearing the noise of battle, came from 
Chapultepec to the center of the city on horseback. He was 
accompanied by General Huerta, chief of his army. With them 
were some loyal forces — cadets from the Chapultepec military 
school and rurales. During the day four engagements took 
place, the most serious one being before the palace. The plaza 
was strewn with the bodies of men and horses. Eecognizing 
the seriousness of conditions, the President declared martial 
law. Villar, who had been in charge of the protecting forces 
at the palace, being wounded. General Huerta was put in direct 
charge of the defense. Vigorous fighting began again after 
the lull of a day or two, and then firing was practically continu- 
ous until the 18th of February. Eepeatedly Huerta urged the 
President to resign. It is said that Madero paid him ten thou- 
sand dollars a day for his services, and promised him a hun- 
dred thousand on the occasion of the capture of the arsenal. 
He made desperate efforts to secure reinforcements from out- 
side. Messages were sent to Eabago, who, in the north, was 
fighting with Orozco, to send three thousand men; but the 
demand was refused. General Blanquet at Pachuca refused to 
come in, saying that ''his men could not be trusted." When he 
did come and camp outside the city, it is said that many of his 
officers went to the arsenal and stayed there with Diaz. 

THE ARREST OF MADEEO 

On February 18, General Blanquet appeared before the Palace. 
His officers and force gained entrance to the Palace, and the 
President was arrested. He was sitting with his Cabinet. The 
officer said : ' ' You are under arrest. ' ' President Madero, under 
great excitement, replied: "You have no right to address the 
President of the Republic in that manner. I command you to 
cry, 'Long live the President of the Mexican Republic!' " The 
officer and soldiers did so, but he repeated: "You are under 
arrest." The members of the Cabinet were armed with pistols. 



THE NINE DATS' BATTLE 379 

and some soldiers were shot down. Madero himself escaped 
from the room, but on reaching the floor below, found Huerta, 
Blanquet, and Colonel Eivarola there. They surrounded him 
and Colonel Rivarola said: ''You are under arrest," whereupon 
Madero shot and killed him. Turning to Huerta and tearing 
open his coat to expose his breast, he said to him: ''Kill me, my 
general ; I will die President of Mexico. ' ' Huerta refused to kill 
him, but declared him under arrest, and he, together with Vice- 
President Pino Suarez, was confined in a room in the Palace. 

MUEDER OF GUSTAVO MADERO 

That same afternoon friends were drinking with Gustavo 
Madero at the famous Grambrinus saloon. After Gustavo had 
paid the reckoning, an officer brought in some soldiers and 
arrested him. It is said that he was kept in a cloak-room of the 
saloon, after being tied, until night, when he was taken to the 
Ciudadela and killed. 

When the report of these occurrences reached the outside 
world, natural solicitude was felt lest President Madero him- 
self should be summarily executed. Secretary Knox telegraphed 
to Huerta about the matter and received assurance from him that 
no summary execution would be permitted. After being held 
for some time incommunicado in the Palace, it is said that the 
two prisoners were ordered to be removed to the penitentiary 
as a place of greater security. 

THE OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE DEATH OF MADERO AND PINO SUAREZ 

The official statement runs as follows: "Madero and Pino 
Suarez, who have been detained at the Palace at the disposition 
of the War Department, were taken to the penitentiary in accord- 
ance with a previous decision, as the result of which the same was 
placed yesterday afternoon under the charge of an army officer 
for its better security. 

Wlien the automobiles had traversed about two-thirds of 
the way to the penitentiary, however, they were attacked by an 



380 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 




THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 381 

armed group, and the escorts descended from the machines to 
offer resistance. Suddenly the group grew larger, and the pris- 
oners tried to escape. 

An exchange of shots then took place, in which two of the 
attacking party were killed and two wounded. Both prisoners 
were killed. The automobiles were badly damaged. 

The President and his Cabinet have resolved that the affair 
shall be consigned to the military judicial authorities, having to 
do with the attempts against military prisoners, such as were 
Madero and Pino Suarez, so that they may make a strict investi- 
gation with the direct interv^ention of the Military Prosecutor- 
General. 

The Government promises that society shall be fully satis- 
fied as to the facts in the case. The commanders of the escort are 
now under arrest, and the facts above recorded have been ascer- 
tained so as to clear up this unhappy event, however incompre- 
hensible it may be under the present sad circumstances.*' 

BEKNAKDO EEYES 

The death of Eeyes seems particularly sad. His was a career 
that might have been glorious. Twice during his life he missed 
the chance to gain high position and perhaps to do his people 
good. We say '^ perhaps" because he always seems to have 
fallen just short of accomplishing what might be expected of 
him. His own revolution of December, 1911, was a complete 
failure. It is whispered that he was betrayed. Perhaps so ; but 
his period of glory had passed, and he actually had no following. 

ANOTHER VERSION OP THE BATTLE 

Such is the story of the nine days' battle in its simplest 
form. There are other versions. All of these perhaps agree in 
the belief that Madero and Pino Suarez were murdered in cold 
blood. They were dead men before their bodies were put into 
the automobiles for transfer from the Palace to the penitentiary. 
There are even stories that the whole nine days' battle is a 



382 THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 

fiction ; that it was a spectacular performance only, carried out 
to blind and deceive, in fulfillment of a most carefully developed 
plot. This view is stated clearly in an interesting article by 
' ' Observer. ' ' According to him, the whole matter was arranged 
by the three military leaders, Huerta, Mondragon, and Blanquet. 
The jailors at the penitentiary and Santiago and the cadets of 
Tlapam were co-conspirators with them, though informed only 
of those portions of the plot which it was judicious for them to 
know. From the first, Reyes was marked for death. There was 
no actual battle ; out of three thousand persons killed during the 
nine days' cannonading, only eight hundred were soldiers — and 
those were chiefly faithful rurales, devoted to Madero, who had 
to be got rid of. The rest of the dead were non-combatants — 
men, women, and children on the street. During the apparent 
conflict, 3,000 rounds were fired by cannon at the Ciudadela, 
and it was hit only eleven times. Madero was practically 
a prisoner in the hands of Huerta, from the hour he entered the 
Palace. Reyes was killed, not by defenders of the Palace, but 
by armed men stationed ready for the deed. If this story is 
reliable, the only point of the whole plot that went awry was in 
connection with the first attack upon the Palace. It seems that 
the soldiers within were actually loyal, and that the killing of 
Blanquet 's son and the difficulty in entering the Palace were not 
foreseen. According to '' Observer," Madero and Pino Suarez 
were killed in the palace room where they were confined, by a 
Captain Cardenas. Madero was twice stabbed in the back and 
shot in the back of the head. Pino Suarez was shot twelve times. 
Cardenas was made major as a return for his performance. In 
his version, '' Observer" implicates the American ambassador. 
He gives the impression that Mr. Wilson knew the whole plan, 
and gave his approval to it. He suggests that there was money 
compensation in his complaisance. 

EFFECT ON MEXICO 

Whether '* Observer's" story is to be accepted in toto or not, 
it much better harmonizes with the facts in evidence than the 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 383 

simple story commonly accepted. It was a dreadful tragedy; 
even Mexico, accustomed to horrors, was shocked. Madero, not- 
withstanding his faults, was truly loved by the common people. 
It is said that at the spot where the official version declares that 
he was killed, there was erected a little heap of stones with a 
cross, and that candles were burned there by the poor and com- 
mon folk, in honor of their leader. ^ 

It was the first occasion in the history of Mexico when a presi- 
dent has been assassinated. Many and many a time Mexicans 
have said to me, "We are not like the Americans; we do not 
kill our presidents." They believe, it may be said in passing, 
that we have killed five presidents, not three. This belief is 
not unknown in other parts of Latin America and in some 
European countries. 

FELIX DIAZ MADE TO UNDEKSTAND 

** Observer" says that Felix Diaz, when he found himself in 
charge of forces and the Ciudadela, and waging an apparently 
splendid battle against great odds, lost his head; he decided that 
he should be the leader of the national army and the candidate 
for the presidency. After a conference with Huerta, Blanquet, 
and Mondragon, he realized the true state of matters. They 
gave him clearly to understand that there was no room for his 
ambition. He might give up all such pretensions or else prepare 
for a genuine attack and the capture of the arsenal. He took 
his lesson. With the victory of the conspiracy Huerta was to be 
president, Mondragon, minister of war, and Blanquet, head of 
the army. Nothing was done for Felix Diaz ; nothing was 
intended. Many strange things occur in politics, especially in 
Mexico; but the course of Felix Diaz is surely run. He has 
nothing behind him, nothing under him, to warrant future expec- 
tations. Men who ''come back" must really have had a follow- 
ing and made achievement. Characteristic of the man and fright- 
fully indicative of personal politics rife in Mexico, was the tele- 



384 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 




\ ^ 



THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 385 

gram which he sent to Porfirio Diaz in Paris on the death of 
President Madero. He congratulated him that he had been 
avenged. For men like Felix Diaz, the whole great drama of the 
past three years was merely personal in its bearings. Such as 
he see no meaning, no lesson, in events. For him Francisco I. 
Madero was merely a personal enemy well got rid of. 

MADEKO'S EREORS 

Thus ended the dreamer, the idealist. There is no question of 
Madero 's earnestness, good disposition, and devotion to the 
cause which for the moment had his sympathies. But wherever 
personal politics prevail, success goes to the head. Porfirio Diaz, 
in 1872, was fighting for effective suffrage, and his battle-cry was 
' ' No reelection. ' ' He too fought the battle of the common people. 
Yet, when he gained the victory, he forgot all, and, intoxicated 
with glory and power, as a man of iron held himself and his 
friends in power. Madero did the same ; ^and perhaps if he had 
lived, he would have rivaled the great dictator in his ability to 
forget duty and pledges. We say ''perhaps" because, after all, 
things are not the same today as they were in 1876. The common 
people in Mexico are thinking ; a middle class is rising. 

With Huerta the old crowd was in the saddle. It appeared 
as if all the bloodshed and the struggle of the past three years 
had gone for naught. 

THE QUESTION OF RECOGNITION 

What was our duty in the matter ? Could we recognize a mur- 
derer, his hands dripping with blood? Could we have dealings 
with a monster of treachery who forgot personal and official 
obligations'? The question was serious. On February 25, 1913, 
Ambassador Wilson, the man who hoped that Mexican youth 
would learn a lesson of high patriotism from the presence of a 
monument to Washington in the City of Mexico — sent the fol- 
lowing message to our Government : 

''In the absence of other reliable information, I am disposed 



386 THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 

to accept the Government version of the affair in which the 
ex-President and ex- Vice-President lost their lives. Certainly 
the violent deaths of these persons were without Government 
approval, and if the deaths were the result of a plot, it was of 
restricted character and unknown to the higher officers of the 
Government. Mexican public opinion has accepted this view of 
the affair, and is not at all excited. The present Government 
appears to be revealing marked evidence of activity, firmness, 
and prudence, and adhesion to it, as far as I have been able to 
ascertain, is general throughout the Republic, indicating the early 
re-establishment of peace. The Government as constituted is 
very friendly to the United States and is desirous of offering 
effective protection to all foreigners. For the present, American 
public opinion should deal with the situation calmly and accept 
with great reserve the lurid and highly colored stories which are 
being furnished by a few correspondents. The great majority 
of the correspondents here are trying to deal fairly with the 
situation. ' ' 

John Basset Moore quotes the utterance of Franklin Pierce 
in 1856: ''It is the established policy of the United States to 
recognize all governments without question of their source or 
organization, or of the means by which the governing persons 
attained their power, provided there be a Government de facto 
accepted by the people of the country, ' ' 

"We might well hesitate. Huerta was no great popular hero ; 
his deed had shocked the people deeply; perhaps it had terrified 
and cowed them also. But retribution would have come soon; 
he would have died, as his victim did, at the hands of an assassin, 
or he would have been hurled from power by a popular uprising. 
To not have recognized — in simple silence — ^would have 
aided the natural course of his elimination ; it would have weak- 
ened him in his position, it would haver strengthened the feeling of 
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MEXICAN ARMY OmCEES. 

HUERTA— AND WILSON 

THE CRISIS IN MADEEO'S RULE HUERTA ^S WORK COST OF THE NINE 

days' battle TWO RESULTS REVOLUTION IN THE NORTH 

CARRANZA AND VILLA NORTH VERSUS SOUTH ATTITUDE OP THE 

UNITED STATES MR, WILSON 's STATEMENT GOOD OFFICES 

JOHN LINd's mission THE DEMANDS REPLY OF MEXICO AN 

EXODUS ORDERED HUERTA 's COUP D 'eTAT SHUTTING OFF 

RESOURCES MYSTERY OF PASS CHRISTIAN HALE AND CARRANZA 

THE PRESENT STATUS. 



WE HAVE already indicated that the army was a danger 
to Madero. In his famous book he speaks strongly 
about militarism and its dangers; he was not himself 
a soldier — he regularly lost engagements where he tried to lead ; 
from the beginning he distrusted the whole federal army 
De la Barra had found it wise to treat the army 
387 



organization 



388 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 




Copyrighted by Uadervvood and Underwood 

VICTOEIANO HUEETA. 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 389 

with conciliation and respect. Madero for some time after Ms 
accession to power, pursued the opposite policy. It chafed him 
that he, as president, must depend upon the military arm. It 
will be remembered, too, that the army upon which he must 
depend was the same army against which he himself had fought. 
He could not forget that, nor could the soldiers. In this deli- 
cate situation it would have been wise for him to try to gain 
the affection and sympathy of officers and men. On the con- 
trary, he insisted on placing new and untrained men in high 
positions; some of his raw, undisciplined guerrilla leaders, 
under the new order outranked officers who had been carefully 
trained in theory and practice, and who knew the rules of 
warfare and of precedence. 

THE CKISIS IN MADEEO'S KULE 

By December, 1912, the weakness of Madero 's government 
was clear to all. He had cut loose from his original helpers and 
advisers; he had continued many of the old regime in power; 
he was repeating most of the flagrant errors of Porfirio Diaz; 
he had practically betrayed every principle of his own Plan of 
San Luis Potosi; he had surrounded himself with unwise ad- 
visers and was particularly pliant to the wishes of his brother 
Gustavo and his Vice-President Pino Suarez. His cabinet was 
causing him serious trouble and he was compelled to dismiss 
Flores Magon. At the same time he was forced to summon 
Manuel Calero from Washington, deposing him from the posi- 
tion of ambassador. There is no doubt that these two men, 
shrewd and unscrupulous, were plotting against the president. 
He seems to have recognized the fact in time. It was unfortunate 
that the fact of Japan still being in mourning for its dead 
emperor, prevented Gustavo Madero 's leaving Mexico at that 
time. His appointment was politic, and his leaving would have 
been a real relief to the tension of the moment. His not leaving 
increased the strain. General Mondragon at this time already 
had his plot, which later met with full success, practically 
developed. 



390 HUERTA— AND WILSON 

htjeeta's woek 

During the interim government of de la Barra, General 
Huerta proved his loyalty repeatedly. It was, however, during 
that period that Madero gave the old army leader real cause for 
hatred. Zapata and his bandits were devastating Morelos. 
President de la Barra ordered Huerta to take the field and sup- 
press the outbreak. He would no doubt have done it with suc- 
cess, but Madero interfered, begging permission to use his in- 
fluence with the rebel leader. Zapata fooled him. The govern- 
ment was put to heavy expense, delay, and increased difficulty 
by his meddling. Later on, when left an actually free hand, 
Huerta proved his ability to cope successfully with the problem. 
Had he not been interfered with, Zapatism would have ceased 
to be a scourge in Mexico. 

When Madero himself came to power, it was on Huerta that 
he must depend for suppressing the revolution of Orozco in the 
north. Among the old leaders who had aided Madero in his 
revolution two were from the north. They were Pascual Orozco 
and Francisco Villa. Between the two there arose a personal 
hostility. Later on, when Orozco rose in revolution against 
Madero, Villa remained loyal. Orozco was always afraid of 
Villa and rarely went himself in person against him. Villa was 
brave and popular as leader. He was a bandit by instinct and 
by practice. When Huerta took the field against Orozco he 
laid out a definite plan of campaign. He carried it out in detail 
and was entirely successful. When Huerta reached Jimenez 
and established headquarters at that place. Villa came to him 
from Parral, where he had been operating. At the same time 
citizens from Parral came to Huerta to complain of the treat- 
ment they had suffered at Villa 's hands. They claimed that he 
had made a forced loan of 280,000 pesos. General Huerta 
ordered him to restore this sum of money, and to go with his 
soldiers to reenforce Eabago. Villa, unaccustomed to take 
orders, disobeyed the general-in-chief in both matters and 
showed a threatening disposition to interfere with his plan of 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 391 

action. As was proper and in accordance with the laws of 
war, Huerta ordered him to be made prisoner and executed. 
Hnerta yielded, however, to the request of Colonel Navarrete 
and the petition of Villa himself, and sent the mutinous guerrilla 
leader to Mexico for trial. There he was placed in prison and 
should have paid the penalty of his disobedience. He escaped 
and it was well understood that the President himself connived 
in the affair. In fact, Villa more than once thereafter boasted 
that he had escaped on account of Madero's friendship. It is 
not strange that Huerta despised and hated his employer, who 
set him difficult tasks, and then threw every difficulty in the way 
of executing them. 

COST OF THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 

These are only some of the many sources of irritation which 
produced dislike and hatred between two men, who from their 
positions should be friends. The nine days' battle in Mexico 
came on. Whatever may be its inner history, its cost was 
hideous. ''One thousand five hundred dead, five thousand 
wounded ; fifty buildings damaged ; the military prison of San- 
tiago with all its attached constructions destroyed by fire; the 
general prison of Belem ruined and the court rooms which were 
in it totally destroyed and sacked; the electric installations of 
light, telephones and tramways put out of service, dead, smok- 
ing rubbish, ruin everywhere, and 40,000,000 pesos in material 
losses." As the result of it Madero fell, and Huerta came to 
power. It may be well enough to state the exact constitu- 
tionality of his induction into office. 

Congress received and accepted the resignations of Presi- 
dent Madero and Vice-President Pino Suarez. It called Pedro 
Lascurain, Minister of Foreign Eelations, to the position of 
interim president; this was in accordance with constitutional 
practice. Lascurain was at once sworn into office. The presid- 
ing officer then declared the Congress closed and the session of 
the House having* been again called, a report was read from the 
sub-Secretary of Foreign Affairs, in which he stated that the 



392 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 




FEANCISCO VILLA. 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 



393 




VENUSTIANO CAKEANZA. 



394 HUERTA— AND WILSON 

interim president had named General Victoriano Huerta, Min- 
ister of Gohernacion. A half hour later Lascurain presented 
his resignation of the charge which had been given to him; his 
resignation was accepted, and Congress at once named in his 
place, in accordance with the law, General Huerta. It is very 
interesting to notice in this moment of excitement and disorder 
the cautious care taken to actually meet the legal requirements 
in the case. 

TWO EBSULTS 

Eesults of the assumption of power by Huerta and the mur- 
der of Madero and Pino Suarez were quick in showing them- 
selves. They were first, a rising in the north, and, second, the 
development and application of a definite policy upon the part 
of the United States. 

EEVOLUTION IN THE NORTH 

For a moment the nation was stunned by the spectacular 
battle in the city, the seizure of power by Huerta and the murder 
of Madero and Pino Suarez. It looked as if the plotters would 
have no trouble, but very soon there was revolution in the 
north. The two chief leaders associated with it have been 
Venustiano Carranza and Francisco Villa. Both were asso- 
ciated with Madero in his revolution of 1910. Carranza in a 
sense may be considered the beginning of that revolution, as 
it was his unsuccessful running for the position of Governor of 
Coahuila which began the contest. He was a member of 
Madero 's cabinet when he was provisional president at Juarez. 
After the revolution he was Governor of Coahuila at first pro- 
visionally imposed by Madero during the interim, and later con- 
stitutional governor by election. Carranza and Villa took the 
field against the new government, calling themselves constitu- 
tionalists, and aiming first at the avenging of the death of their 
old leader, and, second, the restoration of constitutional gov- 
ernment. They have ever since been in the field and have gained 
victory after victory, until practically the whole north of Mexico 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 395 

is in their power. In connection with their struggle, there have 
been many border battles, and hundreds of refugees, citizens 
and federal soldiers, have been forced across the boundary line 
to take refuge in our country. When these refugees have been 
soldiers, they have been disarmed and quartered by orders of 
our government. The charges to which we go in supporting 
them in the temporary camps established under the control of 
our soldiery will ultimately form a proper claim against the 
government of Mexico. 

CAEEANZA AND VILLA 

Carranza has shown himself somewhat of a leader. He is 
primarily a theorizer rather than a practical man of affairs. 
He has, however, shown fair powers of organization and con- 
trol. Interviews with him have from time to time been printed 
which indicate that he is thirsting for revenge. Eevenge first 
for the death of the fallen leader; and second, that revenge 
which is natural to military leaders after victory. He has made 
his list of the proscribed ; individuals whom he announces will 
be pitilessly executed the moment that he is in power in Mexico. 

It is certain, however, that there have already been differ- 
ences of opinion between Villa and Carranza. Of the two. Villa 
is the stronger character. Should Carranza ever come to power 
and Villa remain in life, it is to be expected that the story of 
Madero-Huerta will be repeated. Villa has tasted power. He 
thirsts for more ; brooking no authority, undisciplined, he would 
think as little of removing his present leader as of shooting 
scores of defenseless federal prisoners at Juarez. Our news- 
papers have recently contained much interesting matter regard- 
ing the practical socialism of the bandit leader in Chihuahua. 
He has seized all sorts of private property, institutions, public 
utilities and operates them by his individual will for so-called 
public benefit. 

NOETH VEESUS SOUTH 

One of the most interesting recent articles on Mexican affairs 
in an American journal emphasizes the feeling between the 



■f 



396 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 




Photograph, Underwood and Underwood 

A GEOUP OF CONSTITUTIONALIST SOLDIERS. 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 397 

north and south of Mexico. Its writer claims that the progress- 
ive awakening consciousness, struggling toward improvement, 
is confined to the north. He considers that Madero's fall was 
due to the fact of his being a northern man, placed in power in 
the City of Mexico. The thought of the author deserves consid- 
eration, but he overstates it. It is not true that the common 
people in the City of Mexico and the lesser cities of the south 
are not thinking, and with result. Nor is it true that Madero's 
downfall was the result of the strong feeling between north and 
south. That no doubt had its influence. But it is certain that, 
if Carranza, Villa, or both come into power in Mexico, this feel- 
ing will seriously affect their position, and endanger their con- 
tinuance in power. It is also true that under all circumstances 
the federal army will always be drawn chiefly from the south, 
and there will be always hostility between it on the one side 
and any leader from the scantly populated districts of the north, 
especially when they have fought against each other. 

ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES 

The second notable result of the nine days' battle and the 
assumption of power by Huerta was the position which the 
United States has taken. The battle in the City of Mexico took 
place just as Taft's administration was coming to an end. He 
desired so far as possible to avoid committing the incoming 
administration to a policy. His attitude, therefore, was one of 
no interference. On Feb. 9, it was announced that there 
would be no landing of marines unless Americans were killed 
or wounded. It was realized that the situation was dangerous, 
and that anarchy was threatening, from the lack of a strong 
man to take control. It was recognized that foreign nations 
had claims, and wanted peace, but that they had redress by 
direct diplomatic dealing with Mexico, though estopped from 
active intervention by the Monroe Doctrine. 



398 HUERTA— AND WILSON 

ME. Wilson's statement 

Very soon after coming into power Mr. Wilson announced 
that his administration desires : ' ' The most cordial understand- 
ing and cooperation between the peoples and leaders of 
America. ' ^ He said : ' ' Cooperation is possible only when sup- 
ported at every turn by the orderly processes of just government 
based upon law, not upon arbitrary or irregular force. We hold, 
as I am sure all thoughtful leaders of republican government 
everywhere hold, that just government rests always upon the 
consent of the governed, and that there can be no freedom 
without order based upon law and the public conscience and 
approval. We shall look to make these principles the basis 
of mutual intercourse, respect and helpfulness between our 
sister republics and ourselves. We shall lend our influence of 
every kind to the realization of these principles in fact and 
practice, knowing that disorder, personal intrigue and defiance 
of constitutional rights weaken and discredit government, and 
injure none so much as the people who are unfortunate enough 
to have their common life and their common affairs so dis- 
turbed. We can have no sympathy with those who seek to 
seize the power of government to further their own personal 
ambition. We are the friends of peace, but we know that there 
can be no lasting or stable peace in such circumstances. As 
friends, therefore, we shall prefer those who act in the interests 
of peace and honor, who protect private rights, and respect the 
restraints of constitutional provision. Mutual respect seems 
to us the indispensable foundation of friendship between 
states, as between individuals." The United States has nothing 
to seek in Latin America ' ' save lasting interests of the people ' ' 
and ''the security of governments intended for the people and 
for no special group or interest." 

GOOD OFFICES 

There is no question that President Wilson has been im- 
pelled by the highest motives. There is very serious question 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 399 

whether his policy has been successful. On Aug. 3, it was 
reported from Washington that there would be no armed inter- 
vention. ''President Wilson is willing and eager to help 
Mexico help herself. It is expected that in a few days he will 
offer the good offices of the United States toward the settlement 
of the republic's internal dissensions. The president hopes 
the factions will accept the offer, but if they do not, there will 
be no intervention. If an election is held and a stable govern- 
ment established, it will be recognized, but if no election is per- 
mitted, and Huerta remains in power, he will not be recognized 
by the American Government." 

The position of a nation which offers its good offices toward 
the settlement of another nation's internal dissensions is neces- 
sarily delicate. In its very nature it is an attack upon sov- 
ereignty. It is a far more serious matter than to offer to act 
as intermediary between two nations. It should be undertaken 
only when any misunderstanding is impossible. It could there- 
fore never be properly undertaken with regard to Mexico. It 
is true that for a long time we have been meddling in the pri- 
vate affairs of other nations. We have browbeaten and abused 
Panama, Nicaragua, and other Central and South American 
republics until we have become bhnd to the actual meaning of 
our action; we have made and unmade presidents; we have 
done these things at the dictation of money interests or for 
special points in our own politics. With the coming into power 
of the democratic party with Mr. Wilson at its head, we might 
naturally have hoped that such attacks upon sovereignty of 
other nations would cease. Such seems not to be the case. 

JOHN LINd'S MISSION" 

Refusing to recognize Huerta 's government was entirely 
within our rights. Such nonrecognition by itself would have 
helped the natural elimination of the man in a short space of 
time ; but we did inore than simply fail to recognize his govern- 
ment. Mr. Wilson, in the pursuit of a policy strange and inex- 
plicable, sent his private spokesman and personal representa- 



400 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 




MAEIA GUTIEBEEZ, LIEUTENANT IN VILLA'S FOECE. 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 401 

tive, John Lind, to Mexico, with certain suggestions. What 
was Mr. Lind's status? Whom did he represent? Was he the 
spokesman and personal representative of the President of the 
United States, armed with authority to act! Or was he the 
private letter carrier of Mr. Wilson, an amiable and well mean- 
ing individual ? With whom could he deal ? Wliat could he do 1 
The people of the United States were kept in absolute igno- 
rance for days. The newspapers indulged in all sorts of sur- 
mises and suggestions. It was queried whether Mr. Lind would 
be maltreated personally; whether he would be deported at 
Vera Cruz as an undesirable alien; whether Mexico would get 
angry and declare war against us. There were days of mys- 
tery; suggestions of differences; rumors that negotiations had 
been discontinued and that Mr. Lind was on the point of return- 
ing to this country. Behind it all loomed up some vague impal- 
pable, which was sure to happen, if Mexico failed to meet our 
demands. 

THE DEMANDS 

It is a question whether Mr. Lind's presentation of Presi- 
dent Wilson's suggestions or demands was not itself a recog- 
nition of Huerta's government. However this may be, the 
Mexican Government treated John Lind with every courtesy. 
They received him — ^which they were under no obligation to 
do — as a mark of appreciation of President Wilson's good 
intentions. After all, the matter proved ''the labor of a moun- 
tain, and the birth of a mouse." The four demands made by 
President Wilson were as follows: (1) Agreement to a cessa- 
tion of hostilities throughout Mexico and to a definite armistice ; 

(2) provision for a free and early election for president; 

(3) President Huerta not to be a candidate for reelection; 

(4) all factions to agree to abide by the result. 

In their very nature these demands were ridiculous. The 
first was an impossibility; the second would take place in the 
nature of things, and had already been provided for ; the third 
involves a delicate constitutional point, fully appreciated by 



402 HUERTA— AND WILSON 

the Mexican people, and one only for them to consider; the 
fourth is an entirely academic provision, which could never be 
operative in any country, at a time of real political excitement. 

REPLY OP MEXICO 

There is no question that the responses made by Huerta's 
government were dignified and better based in diplomatic usage 
than our demands. It is unfortunate that we have not space to 
quote in detail. We will only give the following as a sample. 
In a second note Wilson insisted on an immediate answer only 
to the demand, that Huerta be eliminated from the electoral 
contest, and that the other points could be taken up later on. 
Gamboa, Huerta's Secretary of Foreign Relations, in his note 
of answer said that his first answer might stand for a reply to 
this demand, ''but that Huerta, desiring to exercise extreme 
forbearance, was willing to make further explanations to the 
suggestion of Wilson, that, if the Mexican Government ''acts 
immediately and favorably, he would express to American 
bankers and their associates assurances that the Government 
will look with favor upon the extension of an immediate loan 
sufficient to meet the temporary needs of the present adminis- 
tration." Gamboa replied: "There could not be a loan big 
enough offered to induce those entrusted with the national dig- 
nity to put that dignity aside." .• . . "Not only would we 
forego our sovereignty, but our destiny as a separate entity 
and all future elections for President would be submitted to the 
veto of any President of the United States. Such an enormity 
no Government will ever attempt to perpetrate." 

The result of the President's proposition to Mexico was to 
greatly strengthen President Huerta's hold upon his people. 
He had not before been a popular leader. From now he was to 
be more or less such an one. 

AN EXODUS ORDEEED 

Immediately after sending his report to Congress President 
Wilson urged Americans to leave Mexico. Those who were 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 403 

unable to bear the expense of their own transportation were to 
be aided in making the exodus. An appropriation of $100,000 
was provided for the needs of the refugees. The government 
claimed that two or three years before there had been 60,000 
Americans in the Bepublic of Mexico; this number had fallen 
to one-sixth of that amount, or less. The embassy and con- 
sulates were ordered to inform all Americans of the President's 
warning. This action was most injudicious. It is possible that 
Americans in remote and mountain regions were in danger, 
but, if so, they already knew their peril, and should have taken 
steps to save themselves. The greater part of the Americans 
in the Mexican Eepublic were in no danger. At the City of 
Mexico itself, the American residents were at a loss to under- 
stand the warning. Dr. John W. Butler, at the head of the 
Methodist missions of the country, telegraphed to his home 
board as follows: ''Washington instructions for American 
exodus much resented by colony. Eeasons given appear inade- 
quate. Union mission conference representing four churches 
objects, except from disturbed territory. What does the board 
recommend in the present emergency?" 

Charles E. Cummings, superintendent of the Mexican Tele- 
graph Company, telegraphed: ''During the thirty-two years ^ 
residence in Mexico I never received better treatment than 
now, and if it comes to the worst between the two countries, I 
am willing to trust the safety of myself and family to the hos- 
pitality and protection of the Mexican people." 

Stones are thrown at dogs that run. If Mr. Wilson desired 
to jeopardize the lives of Americans resident in the Republic 
of Mexico, he could have done it in no other way better than by 
this hysterical suggestion. 

huerta's coup d'etat 

On Oct. 10, Huerta made a coup d'etat. Dr. Belisaro 
Dominguez, Senator for Chiapas, had disappeared. It was 
believed that he had met with foul play and that the president 
was at the bottom of the mystery. One hundred and ten mem- 



404 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 




STIU:. TEACHING SCHOOLr. 



HUERTA— AND WILSON • 405 

bers of the House of Deputies lodged a resolution of warning 
to Huerta on account of this affair, claiming that they should 
abandon the capital, and hold their meetings elsewhere, owing 
to a lack of guarantees of personal security. When the House 
of Deputies came again in session soldiers were found in pos- 
session ; Minister Aldape read a communication from the presi- 
dent in which he demanded the withdrawal of this resolution. 
On refusal to do so the refractory deputies were arrested and 
thrown in prison. Congress was dissolved, and the election of 
a new Congress ordered. The date of the election had been 
fixed for Oct. 25. Four candidates for president were in the lead, 
the most conspicuous being Federico Gamboa, nominated by the 
Catholic party ; the others were Felix Diaz, Manuel Calero, and 
David de la Fuente. The vote cast was very small and practically 
none of these candidates figured prominently. On the con- 
trary General Huerta was declared upon the 30th to have been 
elected President, and General Blanquet, Vice-President. 
Under the circumstances, this coup d'etat and the following 
election were bold strokes on Huerta 's part. They could only 
have been carried through on account of the fact that the old 
man had been rendered stubborn by opposition and strong by 
apparent persecution from without. 

On Nov. 15, our newspapers reported Huerta as saying in 
answer to an inquiry: '^0, no, I shall not quit; I shall continue 
just as I have been doing, to put forth my best efforts to bring 
about the pacification of the country and thus fulfill the promise 
I made on taking office. ' ' Mr. Lind is at this time reported as 
threatening the withdrawal of the American Embassy and the 
landing of marines. In the same newspaper this comment is 
made: '^Thus once again Huerta has flouted the United States. 
If the president would adopt the recommendations of some of 
his advisers, he would throw troops into Mexico City, oust 
Huerta, establish a provisional president in office, and with- 
draw." It is strange how easy it is for the ordinary reporter 
to solve affairs of state. 



406 HUERTA— AND WILSON 

SHUTTING OFF EESOUECES 

President Wilson naturally was nmch offended at the mis- 
carriage of his plans. In pursuance of his policy of watchful 
waiting he decided next to cut off sinews of war from Huerta. 
Not only would he object to our own bankers furnishing loans 
to the existing government of Mexico, but he would so represent 
the matter to foreign nations as to interfere with their supply- 
ing the urgent needs of the republic. Here, again, unquestion- 
ably he interfered unwarrantably with the affairs of our sister 
nation. Huerta can for some time secure forced loans within 
his own territory. Such loans necessarily entail serious suffer- 
ing upon the community. Local banks and legitimate enter- 
prises alike must suffer during the period of disciplining the 
president, who, with Indian tenacity holds to his office. It is 
easy enough to dream of subsequent reimbursement, but mil- 
lions in the future cannot compensate for the impossibility of 
meeting present needs for thousands. 

MYSTERY OF PASS CHRISTIAN 

While President Wilson was at Pass Christian there was a 
mysterious visit to him there. The United States has not yet 
been taken fully into confidence in this matter, but it is pretty 
certain that on that occasion representatives of the newly organ- 
ized Catholic party made some proposition to the president. 
It is suspected that the effort there made was to have him agree 
with them upon a mutually satisfactory candidate for presi- 
dent. History repeats itself, and we can only be reminded of 
that time in the sixties when a body, chiefly representing the 
Church party, visited Europe and invited an intervening 
sovereign. 

HALE AND CAEEANZA 

In his efforts to down Huerta, President Wilson has sent 
his personal representative, Mr. Hale, to confer with Carranza 
and the constitutionalists. Carranza refused to deal in any 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 407 

way with Huerta. He demanded his elimination. He, how- 
ever, absolutely refused to sell the constitutionalist party to 
the United States, and demanded that Mr. Hale present creden- 
tials. This is actually the shrewdest thing put to the credit 
of Carranza. 

THE EMBAEGO LIFTED 

The latest step in the battle between the two presidents has 
been the lifting of the embargo upon arms and ammunition 
from this country into the territory of the constitutionalist 
forces. It is doubtful whether in practice it may amount to 
much. How much further the government may be going than 
merely lifting the embargo is uncertain. There has at no time 
been diJBficulty since 1910 in bringing arms across the border 
into Mexico. Of course, if we supply arms, or sell at advanta- 
geous prices, that will aid the rebels in the field. It is amusing, 
however, and saddening, to find ourselves backing Villa and 
Carranza at the present. The avowed reason for hostility to 
Huerta is his bloody hands. His are clean, compared with 
Villa's. And there must come a time of readjustment in 
Chihuahua. Villa's socialism makes a good newspaper story, 
but some time it must be dealt with and those private rights 
which President Wilson asserts should be respected, must be 
guarded. Are we really ready to endorse Villa's particular 
form of government at the present moment? A dangerous 
precedent may be involved. 

THE PKESENT STATUS 

What is the status at this time? We have impaired a 
nation's sovereignty, — a serious matter; we have prolonged a 
bloody conflict, with hideous cruelties and frightful loss; we 
have entrenched a man in power, whose natural elimination 
was desirable and would soon have come about; we have pro- 
duced ruin and disaster by a hysterical cry of exodus ; we have 



408 



HUERTA— AND WILSON 



made it impossible legally to collect damages by refusing to 
recognize a de facto government ; we are encouraging and abet- 
ting flagrant abuse of individual rights of property. 

All this we have done, and still are doing, with the best 
intentions in the world. 




NO MONEY TO MOVE HIS CROP 




VIEW IN THE CITY OF IVtEXICO, MARCH, 1913. 

JAPAN AND MEXICO 

OLD RELATIONS BETWEEN JAPAN AND MEXICO JAPAn's COMMERCIAL 

GROWTH THE SCARE ABOUT MAGDALENA BAY THE JUSTICE OF 

JAPAN *S POSITION THE MATTER OF THE SPECIAL ENVOY THE 

FIRST APPOINTMENT THE SECOND APPOINTMENT FELIX DIAZ 

AND FINALLY DE LA BARRA. 



SOME papers of January 5, 1914, contained the following: 
Paris, Jan. 4.— Prof. Guglielmo Ferrero, the Italian 
historian and critic, has an article on ''Japan and 
America" in Le Figaro today. He begins by saying that prob- 
ably few persons have paid attention to the cable dispatches 
describing the warm welcome accorded by the Japanese to Fran- 
cisco de la Barra, the special Mexican envoy who went to Tokio 
to express to the Mikado the thanks of the Mexican republic for 

409 



410 JAPAN AND MEXICO 

Japan's participation in tlie celebration of the centennial of 
Mexican independence three years ago. . . . 

The Italian writer believes that the honors accorded to Senor 
de la Barra three years after the events for which he returned 
thanks are part of Japan's ''curious American policy." 

It is unlikely that the great Italian historian really said 
just this, but undoubtedly our people will accept the statement 
as his utterance. 

OLD RELATIONS BETWEEN" JAPAN AND MEXICO 

In 1910 we were guests at Sendai, northern Japan. My 
companion was my Mexican photographer, Manuel Gonzales. 
We spent an afternoon with Mr. Date, the lineal descendant of 
the famous old Lord of Sendai, Date Masamune. Our host 
was particularly interested in my companion. It is possible 
that he had never seen a Mexican, He inquired with interest 
about Mexico and its people. He told us with evident and justi- 
fiable pride, that 300 years ago his famous ancestor had sent a 
delegation to Rome by way of Mexico. That delegation has 
entered into history; it was an important link between the 
extreme Orient and Europe; it is particularly interesting that 
Mexico was the mid-point in the connection. 

Trade relations between the two countries were once import- 
ant. During vice-royal days galleons were regularly fitted 
out from Acapulco, to carry the productions of Europe and 
America to the Philippines, Japan and China. Many things 
came back in exchange, and there are still numbers of fine old 
pieces of Chinese and Japanese porcelain, furniture, laquer, silks 
and other fabrics treasured in Mexican families. 

There were religious contacts also. Spanish missionaries 
went to the Orient, via Mexico, and Mexican priests as well. 
The famous Felipe de Jesus, known as the proto-martyr, was a 
missionary from Mexico to Japan who found his death in that 
country. A ghastly print, often repeated, represents the unfor- 
tunate twenty-six missionary priests crucified near Nagasaki. 

But while relations between Japan and Mexico were ancient 



JAPAN AND MEXICO 411 

and varied, they ceased for a long time, and for generations 
the two countries were largely out of touch, though relations 
were never completely destroyed. 

JAPAN ^S COMMEECIAL. GEOWTH 

With the development of Japan's commercial interests the 
two countries are again in contact. Japanese settlers in con- 
siderable numbers have moved into the Eepublic. At Juchitan, 
in southern Oaxaca, we found a hotel kept by a Japanese in 
1898- There has been a constant trickling in of Japanese 
laborers for the last score of years; for the most part, they 
have been well received, and until lately have aroused little, if 
any, hostility. Japanese steamers serve Victoria in British 
Columbia, Tacoma, Seattle and San Francisco; but they also 
serve Salina Cruz and Manzanillo, on the coast of Mexico, and 
go down the whole South American coast and even around Cape 
Horn. Comparatively few Americans realize that Japan is one 
of the great commercial nations of the world; her lines of 
steamers are surpassed only by those of Great Britain and 
Germany. Transportation is one of Japan's great industries. 
It is legitimate business; it is a necessary development; it is as 
natural that Japan should be a great shipping nation as it is 
that Great Britain should be so— and for precisely the^ same 
reason. Japan, until a few years back, has been an island 
empire ; the cultivatable area within her territory is small and 
incapable of much extension. The population is numerous and 
crowded. Japan is driven to manufacture and trade— to ship- 
ping—as inevitably as Great Britain was. There is no accident 
in it, it is no deep and dark scheme of the politicians, which 
makes her a world-carrier. But, in connection with her rise to 
importance in world-trade, suspicion arises in our country. 

THE SCAEE ABOUT MAGDALENA BAY 

Not long ago our papers were filled with rumors of plots and 
schemes against ourselves in connection with Magdalena Bay. 
Senator Lodge and others turned suspicion into accusation. Our 



412 JAPAN AND MEXICO 

yellow journals were filled with hostile criticisms, and statesmen 
of the Hobson type talked about our unpreparedness for war 
and made desperate appeals for a great army. Undoubtedly the 
Japanese steamship company wanted a footing in Magdalena 
Bay. It needs a footing at many points along the Pacific Coast. 
It must have it, it will no doubt secure it; but in such a con- 
venience for commercial development there lurks no serious 
danger. 

THE JUSTICE OF JAPAN 's POSITION 

The delicate point of course is the fact that the Japanese 
government is said to be a partner in the shipping company; 
there is a certain amount of truth in the claim, but it counts 
for little. Miss Simcox in her interesting studies of primitive 
civilization recognizes two kinds of civilization to which she 
gives the name '' domestic" and ^'political." The terms are 
happily chosen and name two actually different conditions and 
points of view. Japan and China are domestic civilizations. 
The fact that they are such is the secret of their long existence ; 
it is the reason for the relatively great happiness of their teem- 
ing populations. If white men were as crowded as the Chinese 
and Japanese, life under our form of social organization would 
be not only wretched in the extreme, but actually unendurable. 
The fundamental idea of domestic civilization is the subordina- 
tion of the individual to the group; Japan and China have 
existed with their teeming populations on account of this 
altruistic principle. In domestic civilization the interest of the 
mass is preeminent; in political civilization individualism is the 
rule, and selfish advantage the aim. In domestic civilization 
the government must do for the people far more than it does 
or can do in individualism. In Japan the people endure what 
we would consider a heavy weight of taxation, not only with- 
out outbreak, but without difficulty or suffering; the govern- 
ment returns to the taxed population far more than we do. Not 
only does the Japanese government carry mails for the citizens ; 
it conducts the telegraphs and telephones, the railroads, irriga- 



JAPAN AND MEXICO 



413 





Oopyrlghted by T'nclervvoud and I'lulerwood 

FELIX DIAZ. 



414 JAPAN AND MEXICO 

tion systems, adjustment of land-boundaries, and a thousand 
other matters of public utility. In Japan, the government deals 
with the problem of distribution of population; it encourages 
emigration from crowded districts of limited opportunity into 
scantly settled regions of larger promise; it aids the man who 
is willing to go from Osaka or Hiroshima to the Hokkaido or 
to Korea ; if necessary, it supplies him not only transportation, 
but tools or even the opportunity of setting up in business. This 
is not political scheming aimed to the undoing of other nations ; 
it is the natural working out of the fundamental idea of social 
and governmental organization. From this point of view, it is as 
natural that the Japanese government should be interested in 
its shipping enterprises as in any other branch of national 
development; it is as natural, if you please, that the Japanese 
government should be a partner in the steamship companies 
as that she should carry mails, disinfect villages, control the 
health conditions of cities, and distribute seed grain to famine- 
stricken districts. Only a complete ignorance of the funda- 
mentals of domestic civilization can excuse a writer or a public 
speaker for criticising this interest in shipping enterprises and 
considering it political plotting. 

Japan has a perfect right to her system ; so has China. It is 
true that our own selfish and individualistic system is so dif- 
ferent that we dislike the other way, and even, as Mr, Millard 
in his various writings does, demand that those great nations 
should conform to our ideas and play the game according to our 
rules. It is not only unreasonable for us to make such a demand, 
it is hopeless. And if the matter were to be decided by opinion, 
and majority rule were to apply, it would be more proper for 
Japan to demand that we conform to their ideals and point of 
view. Curiously and interestingly, the whole trend of the blind 
movements taking place in European and American nations is 
actually in the direction of their system. 

Magdalena Bay is not a menace. Japanese shipping lines 
have a right to terminal facilities. The fact that the Japanese 
■government is interested in them does not make the effort to 



JAPAN AND MEXICO 415 

secure conveniences a political plotting. There is not, unless 
by our own folly we force the attitude, in the negotiations 
regarding this matter, any unfriendliness, nor hint of warlike 
preparation. 

THE MATTEE OF THE SPECIAL, ENVOY 

But we return to the reputed utterance of Professor Ferrero. 
Twenty-eight nations participated in the Mexican Centennial 
Celebration. They showed their sympathy and friendship to 
Mexico in her hour of glory. International courtesy demanded 
return delegates carrying the thanks of the nation for their 
friendship. Promptly after the celebration, official delegates 
were named and sent to all the participating nations with the 
thanks of Mexico. To all, we say — there was one exception ; the 
thanks of the nation were not promptly carried to Japan. 

THE FIEST APPOINTMENT 

The story is a curious one. Fate itself seems to have been 
interested in preventing the courtesy. At the time when delega- 
tions were named and appointments made to France and Ger- 
many, Belgium, the United States, and Argentine, and to all 
the rest, there was indeed a delegate appointed for carrying the 
national thanks to Japan. It was Porfirio Diaz, Jr., son of the 
President, who was appointed. He was a young man, of amiable 
disposition, quite harmless in diplomacy and politics. The 
appointment was looked upon as a plum ; a trip to Japan at the 
government's expense was a nice little outing. But the moment 
was a bad one. The celebration of the centennial filled the 
month of September. In November Aquiles Serdan met his 
death and the Madero revolution was on. The whole country 
was ablaze. The rebellion, which at first seemed insignificant, 
gained strength ; the Diaz power began to totter ; the old presi- 
dent found himself deserted by those whom he had trusted ; he 
did not know upon whom he could depend ; in that hour of trial 
he was sadly shaken ; he could trust his son, and disliked to be 
left alone in the moment of crisis. One day after another was 



416 



JAPAN AND MEXICO 




JAPAN AND MEXICO 417 

set for the young man's departure; each time the old man's 
fears prevented his starting and the date was deferred. Senor 
Efren Eebolledo, representative of the legation of Mexico in 
Tokio, was in the City of Mexico, waiting for young Diaz to 
accompany him to the land of the rising sun. Finally, after 
several postponements, he could wait no longer for the official 
delegate and went back alone to his official duties ; I called upon 
Senor Eebolledo the day he left the City of Mexico; he was 
busy packing his trunks and complained bitterly over the long 
delay and over the fact that, after all, he had to make the journey 
without companionship. A few weeks later and Porfirio Diaz 
fell. The thanks of the nation had not been carried to Japan. 

THE SECOND APPOINTMENT 

There followed the interregnum ; Francisco de la Barra was 
too busy with complicated matters to think of sending thanks to 
anyone. The fall elections placed Francisco I. Madero in the 
presidential chair. Some months of course were necessary 
before the machinery of government was moving smoothly. 
Then it was remembered that the thanks of the nation had not 
been carried to Japan for her participation in the centennial. 
Just as Porfirio Diaz considered the occasion fit for a pleasure 
excursion for a member of his family, so Madero thought he 
would give a near relative an outing. Accordingly Gustavo 
Madero was appointed official delegate of the nation to carry 
thanks to the Japanese Empire. Again I was in the City of 
Mexico at the time set for the departure of the delegate ; fare- 
well banquets were given by the friends of the appointee. But 
before the sailing, it was realized that the death of the Mikado 
made the moment an unfavorable one for the occasion. The 
departure of the delegate was postponed until the period of 
mourning should be past. The Eeyes-Diaz revolution came (5n ; 
the Nine Days ' Battle in the City of Mexico took place ; not only 
the President himself was murdered, but his brother, Gustavo, 
was assassinated. The thanks of Mexico were still untold. 



418 JAPAN AND MEXICO 

FELIX DIAZ 

Again a period of uncertainty. As Huerta, however, gained 
a firmer hold upon the government, it was again realized that 
courtesy demanded that a delegate be sent with thanks to Japan. 
The realization of this fact coincided with the desirableness of 
the absence from the city of Felix Diaz. If Huerta were to con- 
tinue in power, if he were to be a successful candidate for the 
election, it were better that Felix Diaz, nephew of the old presi- 
dent and a man of no particular significance but still a possible 
candidate, should be out of Mexico. Accordingly he was the one 
chosen for the official duty of conveying thanks to Japan. His 
mission proved a fiasco. The Japanese government refused 
to receive him. This refusal was certainly unwise. One of two 
things is true — either the United States Government made repre- 
sentations to Tokio that we did not wish the delegate to be 
received, or it did not make such representations. If Washing- 
ton did make such representations to Tokio, the Japanese gov- 
ernment should have politely but clearly indicated that the 
matter was one which did not concern us and in which she should 
pursue whatever policy seemed best to her. If Washington did 
not make such representations to Tokio, the action of the 
Japanese government could only be considered as an act of 
uiujalled-for effort to conciliate the United States by an ostenta- 
tious display of friendliness towards us. Wliatever was the fact, 
the act was most unwise, and unquestionably the Japanese 
government recognized its error promptly. There was a natural 
outcry on the part of the Japanese people ; a friendly nation with 
whom Japan had treaties had been insulted needlessly. It is 
unlikely that the Japanese people were alone in making this 
expression of feeling to the Foreign Office in Japan. Not only 
was Mexico treated shabbily by the refusal to receive its dele- 
gate ; every Latin American republic was offended, and in one 
way or another must have made its feeling known in Tokio. It 
would be strange indeed if European countries as well, watching 
with care the movement of international politics, did not express 



JAPAN AND MEXICO 419 

surprise to the Japanese government over the uncalled-for 
incivility to Mexico. 

AND FINALLY DE LA BAKKA 

Under such circumstances it is not astonishing that the ne:5^t 
man appointed by the Mexican government should have been 
received with distinguished courtesy. Senor de la Barra, in 
December last, reached Tokio, finally bringing the long-delayed 
thanks of the Mexican people and government for Japan's par- 
ticipation in her celebration. He was received with open arms. 
When the Emperor granted him an interview he was decorated 
by the imperial hand. It is unlikely that any public business 
of weight was transacted between the two governments. It is 
more than likely that the whole was* merely an exchange of inter- 
national courtesies. It is true, however, that de la Barra is a 
very different man from either of the early nominees. No 
department of foreign affairs that has ever existed in Mexico 
would for an instant think of entrusting matters of consequence 
and delicate diplomatic negotiations to Porfirio Diaz, Jr., to 
Gustavo Madero, or to Felix Diaz. Porfirio Diaz., Jr., was a 
nice young man of no political significance ; Gustavo Madero was 
shrewd, a wrecker in politics, but no diplomat ; Felix Diaz has 
ever been a failure — in military matters, politics and diplomacy. 
It is absolutely certain that no one of the three would have 
been trusted by either president or department with a matter 
of consequence. Francisco de la Barra is different; he could 
have been entrusted with important business; he might have 
treated business of importance. But it is highly unlikely that 
he did so. His absence from Mexico was desired by President 
Huerta, and most desirable from his own point of view. The 
Mexicans are too shrewd to approach Japan seriously at this 
crisis, and Japan is too wise to receive overtures from a totter- 
ing government like Huerta 's. 

No, the warmth of de la Barra 's reception in Japan was 
an atonement for an act of bad judgment. It was not hostility 
to the United States. 



420 



JAPAN AND MEXICO 





AETILLEEY LEAVING CIUDADELA, AFTEE MADEEO'S OVEETHEOW. 



WHAT WILL COME? 



WHEEE IS THE MAN POKI'IEIO DIAZ ZAPATA PASCUAL OEOZCO 

" PANCHO " VILLA FELIX DIAZ ^VASQUEZ GOMEZ FEDEEICO 

GAMBOA DE LA BAEEA HUEEIA CAEEANZA THE QUALITIES 

NECESSAEY. 



P 



EOPHECY is a thankless task. No matter how reasonable 
prediction seems to be, no matter upon what certainties 
it rests, it is usually a failure. 

''The best-laid schemes o' mice and men 
Gang aft a-gley.'^ 

The best constructed schemes of what will happen are rarely 
realized. We mil not prophesy; but let us look over the field 
and see what cannot happen, what may occur. 

WHEEE IS THE MAN? 

Where is the man for Mexico 's present crisis ? History shows 
us that in the hour of greatest need a hero generally arises. It 

421 



422 WHAT WILL COME? 

lias always been so ; it will continue to be true. Mexico 's history- 
is full of instances. The gentle priest of an obscure town seemed 
little likely to become a great leader ; yet Hidalgo was the very 
man necessary for the raising of the standard of revolt; he 
himself did not see the triumph, but he was the man waited for. 
Juarez, insignificant Indian, came to the front in the hour of 
need; no one better than he, with his Indian doggedness and 
stubbornness, could lead the desperate hope of republican 
Mexico through the uncertain da^^s of the intervention empire. 
Diaz himself was the man of the hour; his peculiar qualities 
fitted him for the task which had to be done if Mexico were to 
develop. Madero, again, appeared in the hour of need ; he was 
the representative of the spirit rising among the people; the 
hour was ripe ; a man was necessary to demonstrate the weak- 
ness of the house of cards which the great dictator had reared. 
So in the history of other countries. Simon Bolivar, a brilliant 
leader, man of great magnetism, but far mightier with word 
and pen than with his sword, became the savior of a continent ; 
the crisis itself produced him. So when we, rent by bitter parti- 
san strife, facing great moral questions, facing national division, 
needed a man as leader, the man appeared; our greatest crisis 
brought forth a Lincoln. 

In Mexico, if the nation is permitted to work out its own 
destiny, a man will certainly arise. Who will he be, and why? 
At one time the natural man to lead the Eepublic along the 
path of progress and legitimate development was certainly 
Bernardo Reyes. Twice at least under the old regime, he might 
have led a successful revolution. Had he done so, he had done 
much for Mexico, and his name would be remembered as a great 
leader. He was actually a popular idol — his name was on every 
tongue, and the common people looked to him for leadership; 
he was loved by his soldiers and was trained for military leader- 
ship ; he had ideas of education and government ; he had experi- 
ence, and while he was governor his state was happy by com- 
parison with others of the Eepublic. But his day ended long 
ago; when he withdrew Ms candidacy for vice-president, to 



WHAT WILL COME? 423 

please Porfirio Diaz, he destroyed all possibility of ever leading 
his nation. Was he, after all, a coward! Or was he stirred by 
sentiment and personal affection! Or what was the weak point 
in his character which prevented his acting when he might have 
acted, when he should have acted! When he finally did act, it 
was too late. His hostility to Madero, in the City of Mexico, 
before the election of 1911, was puerile ; his invasion of Novem- 
ber, was a sadly weak fiasco. His death, before the Palace, in a 
treacherous attack against the man who spared his life, was a 
hideous ending of a life which once had promised great results. 

POEFIEIO DIAZ 

Looking the present field over, who is available? All sorts 
of ridiculous suggestions have been made. One of the least 
sensible, laughable, if it were not so foolish, is that Porfirio Diaz 
should be recalled from Paris. Let the old man rest, and end 
his days in quiet comfort ! He long out/asted his period of suc- 
cessful government. He went, too late for his own honor and for 
his country's good. In 1910, the year of the centennial celebra- 
tion, he was admitted to be eighty years of age; today he is 
officially eighty-four. There is a curious difference of opinion 
as to the age of Porfirio Diaz ; while his announced age is what 
we have just stated, it is claimed by many that for some per- 
sonal reason his age has always been misrepresented, and that 
in reality he is five years older than he claims ; if so, he is today 
a man of almost eighty-nine ; the idea of recalling a man of this 
advanced age to power is ridiculous. Porfirio Diaz is a man 
whose simple life and abstemious living have made him seem 
much younger than his years ; but every one, who saw him in the 
last two years of his administration, knows that he was break- 
ing. The last reports from Paris state that he is yielding to 
advancing deafness. Infirmity and age render him completely 
unavailable. 

ZAPATA 

Will Zapata answer! The asking of the question is needless. 
Zapata is a brigand; he glories in arson, rapine, and plunder; 



424 



WHAT WILL COME? 




WHAT WILL COME? 425 

lie is a popular leader of desperate men who wish to loot, steal 
and destroy.' He is the ideal bandit leader but has not a single 
quality of the national ruler. He has no sense of honor; his 
promise has no binding force. It would be as impossible for 
foreign nations to deal with a government headed by Zapata as 
with anarchy itself. Zapata is a danger to any government. 
He will no doubt cause trouble in the future. When once a 
leader, with money at his disposition and a trained army, holds 
power in Mexico, his first duty will be to clear the country west 
of Mexico of Zapata and his followers. The man is plausible ; 
he can state the crying needs of the common psople forcibly; 
he can easily point out the errors of Madero and the failure 
of Huerta to keep his promises, but he shows none of the quali- 
ties of constructive statesmanship. 

PASCUAL OROZCO 

Would Pascual Orozco do I It is true that today's papers 
announce his death ; whether the new& prove true or not, it is 
worth while to consider the question. A popular war-corre- 
spondent draws a pleasing picture of Pascual Orozco as a school 
boy studying his book and gaining a broader outlook, an ideal 
for realization. Several other Americans seem to have been 
favorably impressed with the famous guerilla leader when they 
saw him with Madero in front of Juarez. But would he do as 
president? Nothing of his public career indicates it. No doubt 
Orozco learned to read and write; through that learning 
undoubtedly he gained a broader view. But that training and 
his broader view led naturally only to the work of arriero or 
convoy for ore or bullion on its way from the mines where pro- 
duced to a point of shipment. There is nothing to suggest that 
he had any higher ambitions or that he grappled with public 
questions. When Madero 's revolution broke out, Pascual Orozco 
promptly joined with it. To him Madero owed considerable. 
He was daring in his attacks upon the federal soldiers. He was, 
however, badly disciplined, a man of variable impulses. He 
seems to have had little loyalty, less of sentimental friendship. 



426 WHAT WILL COME? 

When Madero was in power, Pascual Orozco went to the capital 
city to receive his share of profit. Given fifty thousand dollars, 
he demanded fifty thousand more ; failing to secure it, he became 
an enemy of the Madero regime. It was easy for him to secure 
leadership and money from the Terrazas interests. He fought, 
in other words, for whoever would pay him best. When the 
Carranza revolution gained headway, there was nothing left 
for him that promised cash except federal leadership, and we 
find him in Huerta's forces-. Nothing that Pascual Orozco has 
ever done warrants the assumption that he is presidential 
timber. 

^'PANCHO"^ VILLA 

What about General Villa? Strikingly in the events of 
the last three years in Mexico it has been shown that the only 
safe man is a dead man. Two men were spared by Madero when 
their lives were forfeited. Madero himself had reason to regret 
the reprieve he granted Felix Diaz ; Huerta today has profound 
reason to regret the reprieve granted by Madero to General 
Villa. The man has proved a good soldier ; he has always been 
known as one of bandit instincts. He is cruel, pitiless. It is 
not impossible that he might emerge from the present conflict 
with considerable military glory. If he does, it is to be expected 
that he may aspire to power in government. Villa as president 
of Mexico is conceivable; but his elevation to the highest office 
of the nation would be unfortunate. Should it take place, his 
period of control would certainly be limited; he might perhaps 
fill up time until the preparation of a more worthy candidate. 

FELIX DIAZ 

There has been much talk of Felix Diaz for the position. 
No one who knows the man and the nation could talk seriously 
of it. Newspaper writers have asserted that he is a ** popular 
idol. ' ' He is not, never has been, never will be a popular idol. 
He was a heavy burden for his uncle through the years. A man 
with absolutely no mental power, without ideas, without ideals. 



WHAT WILL COMB? 427 

Porfirio Diaz was ready to do much for him. Felix Diaz was 
sent to Chile as the diplomatic representative of Mexico; his 
stay was short. His name was tentatively suggested several 
times for governor of the State of Oaxaca, or of Puebla ; when 
it is remembered that in those days the old man made governors 
and unmade them at will, the fact that Felix Diaz was actually 
never made governor of either state proves how thoroughly his 
uncle recognized his lack of fitness and his enormous unpopu- 
larity. He was, indeed, sometime the chief of police of the City 
of Mexico; but he was a misfit. After every failure to place 
him elsewhere, Porfirio Diaz reg-ularly made his nephew the 
head of his own personal bodyguard, where he could at once 
take care of him and see that he did a minimum of harm. His 
lack of judgment and of skill in developing a plan of action were 
strikingly brought out in his fiasco at Vera Cruz in October, 
1912. His vacillation, weakness of character, and cowardice, 
came Out fully in connection with his futile mission to Japan, 
and the events which grew out of it. Only the most ignorant 
observer of Mexican affairs could seriously urge him as a presi- 
dential possibility. 

VASQUEZ GOMEZ 

There is more propriety in the mention of the Vasquez 
Gomez brothers. Emilio and Francisco Vasquez Gomez have 
been leaders in the democratic struggle which has now been 
waging in Mexico since 1910. They have been conspicuous iji 
the councils of the anti-reelection leagues. One of them was 
the legitimate candidate for vice-president upon the ticket with 
Madero for president. One of them has been more than once 
proclaimed provisional president of Mexico ; the proclamation 
has always taken place when the man himself was in a place of 
safety— El Paso or near the border. One or the other has held 
position in connection with the movements of the day. No one 
denies that they are men of ability. They speak well perhaps, 
certainly write well, and have high conceptions and ideals. But 
experience has failed to prove that they are strong men of 



428 



WHAT WILL COME? 




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WHAT WILL COME? 



429 




430 WHAT WILL COME? 

courage. They can plan and advise ; it is doubtful whether they 
can lead, control. They are men for cabinet offices or heads of 
bureaus, not presidents. 

FEDEKICO GAMBOA 

There is no question that Federico Gamboa is a man of 
power. As a literary man, he has few if any superiors in the 
Eepublic. He has had wide experience in the field of diplomacy ; 
he had been connected with legations in Latin America, in 
Europe, in the United States. He can be trusted to deal with 
delicate and complicated matters of statesmanship. There is 
no question that in the recent exchange of diplomatic papers 
between Mexico and ourselves, he beat us absolutely. With all 
due respect to our own peerless leader, whom I highly appre- 
ciate and respect, Mr. Bryan is no match for Senor Gamboa. 
It is legitimate, in looking over the field, for a man of power 
and leadership, to think of him. Under ordinary circumstances, 
Gamboa would not be outside the range of presidential possi- 
bilities. If Mexico were at peace, and a duly-elected president 
were going out of power at the termination of his period of 
office, and a new election were to take place under peaceful 
circumstances, Gamboa would be a proper and strong candidate. 
It is doubtful whether he is a man of sufficient strength and 
energy, push, enterprise, and magnetism to succeed fully and 
lead a party at this time. Still, as a compromise between dif- 
ferent factions, where it was recognized that all must yield 
something and unite behind a leader who represented no strong 
group, he is not inconceivable. 

DE LA BAKEA 

There is no doubt that many believe that the only hope of 
Mexico in the present crisis is de la Barra. In his political 
history and natural connections he is affiliated of course with 
the old regime. It is likely that his natural inclinations con- 
nect him with what fragments of the old cientifico group remains. 
He is by nature conservative. When ambassador at Washing- 



WHAT WILL COME? 431 

ton, he made few mistakes, and Ms diplomatic training is good. 
During the interim between the Diaz and Madero administra- 
tions, he proved himself a man of considerable character and 
with some qualities of leadership. He did not like Madero 
nor the new order; but he submitted to many things which he 
must have found most hard to bear, and emerged from a severe 
trial with a very considerable respect from the general public. 
He is far from being a man of the pronounced views and strong 
ideals desirable at the present moment. If in office, he would 
be forced continually to make concessions to popular demands. 
It is possible that he has learned the lesson and is wise enough 
to profit by it. If so, there is actually no stronger candidate 
at present in sight. In the line of natural development, he 
seems to be the most likely man. There is danger that he 
would fail to rise to the full height of the occasion. It is not, 
however, impossible, and Mexico's friends might wish that he 
had a chance to prove his fitness. 

HUERTA 

Victoriano Huerta, the present incumbent, has been made 
a serious problem. His treachery aroused a feeling of natural 
repugnance in American minds; his blood-stained hands, red 
with the blood of the man who depended upon him and to whom 
he owed wealth, power, and position, shocked us. From certain 
points of view he is a monster. At first he had no great fol- 
lowing, and could not have been considered strong in his posi- 
tion. There is little doubt that, left to himself, he would have 
been promptly eliminated. We need not have recognized his 
government until it proved itself worthy of recognition through 
itself. Had we been content simply with non-recognition, the 
Mexican people would have made short shrift of him. He would 
have been as certainly hurled from power in a few weeks as 
the morrow's sun will rise. But he was made a martyr ; he was 
put into the position of the leader of a people who were brow- 
beaten and directed from outside. Our attitude aroused sym- 
pathy, which the man himself would probably never have gained. 
He has developed unexpected strength; he has in many ways 



432 WHAT WILL COME? 

proved himself a leader ; lie is a more respected and respectable 
figure today than months ago. In fact, many persons in Mexico, 
in the United States, in Europe, today consider Huerta a strong- 
man, and look on him as something of a ruler. A much worse 
policy might be pursued than to supply him with the sinews 
of war and to see what he could do in republican Mexico. He 
is a man of the Diaz type ; in a sense he is an anachronism. A 
man of the Diaz type is not the ideal leader for the moment. 
It is doubtful, however, whether the ideal leader exists or can 
be summoned forth. It is certain that the savior of Mexico in 
the future, as in the past, will be a man with Indian qualities — 
stubbornness, persistence, inflexibility. If the Huerta of today, 
vastly stronger than the Huerta of a year ago, is not the proper 
leader, he will be eliminated by the natural operation of causes 
within Mexico. It is doubtful whether the country or the world 
will be advantaged by his elimination through influences from 
without. It is likely, hoAvever, that Huerta cannot withstand the 
powerful American influence against him. He has been crippled 
financially by it ; probably he cannot maintain himself. The pity 
is that the financial crippling, brought about intentionally by 
outside influence, has not stopped with the bloody-handed 
usurper. 

CAKKANZA 

Last of the long list is Venustiano Carranza. He has been 
called the origin of the Madero revolution. In reality, the 
attempt to nominate him as an independent candidate for gov- 
ernor of the State of Coahuila was Francisco Madero 's first 
actual step in practical politics. The effort failed ; the election 
was a farce. Carranza remained for the time being in private 
life. Afterward he was with Madero. With the success of the 
Madero movement, Carranza became governor of Coahuila. 
Geographical relations, personal friendship, and political experi- 
ence indicated him as the leader of the effort to avenge the 
death of the martyr president. He is a man of energy. He has 
clean-cut ideas. His leadership has met with much success. 
Whether as a civilian he can hold his own against the soldier 



WHAT WILL COME? 433 

Villa remains to be seen. He may of course be completely 
shelved by the military leader. He showed unexpected strength 
of character and a true loyalty in his dealings with President 
Wilson's privately appointed embassy; as the head of a pro- 
visional government, he must know with whom he deals. His 
announcement that he would execute Huerfa, Diaz, BJanquet, 
Mondragon, Garcia Granados, Rodolfo Eeyes and Francisco 
de la Barra, when he comes actually to power shocks us, but 
would shock few Mexicans. It is unlikely too that, once in power, 
he would actually carry out his threat. Madero made similar 
promises but failed to keep them. It is quite probable that 
Carranza really would execute Huerta and Diaz if he could 
place hands upon them. It is quite certain if Carranza enters 
the capital city Felix Diaz would be in a place of safety; it is 
less likely that Huerta would fly from his impending doom. 
Carranza 's warning to foreign countries against loans made to 
the Huerta government is a common expedient among revolu- 
tionaries. It is neither a masterstroke of statesmanship nor 
political folly. History has shown that such threats are rarely 
carried through; if Carranza were actually to come to power, 
after some diplomatic squirming, he would be likely to recognize 
the foreign claims and meet the obligations. 

THE QUALITIES NECESSAEY 

If Huerta falls, whoever comes to power must be a compro- 
mise. He must in part represent the past with all its wrongs ; 
he must, however, if he is to remain in control, be ready to 
yield to the growing demands for change. He must have some 
record of achievement — either as a military man or as a leader 
of reform ; and he must have some name. He must have some- 
thing of the iron hand, must to some degree override the con- 
stitution, must act with force in crises — but he must have 
thoroughly learned his lesson from the events of the past three 
years. He must be genuinely Mexican — not too favorable to the 
United States, and yet ready to be just to us and to the world. 
He must needs grapple with great problems. He must realize 



434 WHAT WILL COME? 

to what degree foreign investment in his country is a danger 
to the nation ; he must check the present inflow of outside capital 
without jeopardizing the rights of that already there; he must 
encourage the development of natural resources through 
nationalism. He must lead in the movement to restore lands 
to little owners, which have been taken from them by unjust laws, 
not understood by those to whom they were applied. He must 
decide to what degree legitimate old estates should be divided 
and sold on favorable terms to little holders. He must lead in 
the movement of general education of the people. He must 
know the meaning of a rising middle class. He must realize 
that one term of office of six years' duration is the period of 
his actual usefulness and should emphasize the cry of anti- 
reelection, applying it absolutely to himself. He should reiterate 
the motto of effective suffrage and should use the power of his 
office to train the people in the exercise of their constitutional 
right of voting. He should deal with the hideous question of 
peonage. The problems that face him are problems that are 
analogous to our own; they, however, are Mexican problems, 
and must be dealt with from the Mexican point of view. 

We have considered the list of known men who stand before 
us. But the man for the crisis may be a new man. There are 
men who are not conspicuous, who may meet the needs. A man 
like Ahumada may arise and develop into power. As likely as 
not, the right man, when he comes, may not come through an 
election. He is more likely to come out of strife and struggle ; 
he is likely to seize power. The sooner he comes, the better. 
When he comes, it is to be hoped that we will not make impos- 
sible demands as the condition of his recognition. 



INTERVENTION 

A WILD PEOJECT EFFECT OF ANNEXATION COST OF WAK WE WILL 

NOT COLONIZE MEXICO PEOTECTION OF INVESTMENTS POSITION 

OF THE INVESTOR A MEXICAN PEOBLEM ONLY A MIDDLE CLASS 

NEEDED PERSONAL POLITICS TYPE OF NATION LIKELY^ 

SHOULD we intervene? Must we intervene? No, a 
thousand times no, for tlieir sake and for ours, we 
should keep hands off. Every right thinking American 
who knows Mexico, and who knows the points involved, must 
thank the President for his insistency upon maintaining peace. 
We may regret the exact form of his pohcy, we may feel that 
he has made mistakes, but his fundamental principle is right,— 
there ought to be no war, — and intervention is war. 

A WILD PROJECT 

It is impossible for us to march to Mexico City, seize it, 
appoint a provisional president, and withdraw. There is no 
use of trying to deceive ourselves and others. If we go to 
Mexico, we must occupy the whole republic. There is no pos- 
sible alternative. To enter Mexico and occupy will take time, 
money and frightful toll of human life. It would be unjust 
aggression. Its final result would involve land grabbing. We 
would either hold the whole of the republic, or we would cut 
off the northern states and add them to our area. There are of 
course plenty who look upon this as our manifest destiny. It 
is unfortunate if it should prove manifest destiny, because it 
would spell our ruin. 

EFFECT OF ANNEXATION 

To add Mexico to our republic or to add the northern tier 
of states would be infinitely bad for us. It would be the greatest 
of misfortunes for Mexico and the Mexicans. We are fond of 
talking of assimilation. We have never assimilated anything. 

435 



436 



INTERVENTION 




INTERVENTION 



437 




438 INTERVENTION 

We have not assimilated Arizona and New Mexico after sixty- 
five years of ownership. We have not assimilated the millions 
of negroes in the South. We have not assimilated the Filipino, 
nor the Hawaiian, nor the Porto Rican. We have not only not 
assimilated them, we are nationally today the weaker for their 
presence. 

To take over all or part of Mexico would be no advantage 
to its people, would harm us, and would profit only a handful 
of individuals to whom we owe no great consideration. 

COST OF WAR 

The war for the conquest of Mexico has been much dis- 
cussed. Some claim that it would require 600,000 soldiers and 
a period of ten years ; others claim that it could be done with 
150,000 men and two years' time. This is not the actual ques- 
tion, but only selfish and commercial features of the problem. 
It is not the size of the army, nor the expense, nor the time 
involved which are significant. Far more important is the fact 
that such a war of conquest is unjust in itself. There is nothing 
in the conditions of the moment to excuse it. The price of war 
is not a mere question of dollars and time, — it is more seriously 
a question of blood and brutalizing. A nation which issues 
from a war of conquest against a smaller, poorer nation suffers 
far more than it inflicts. Its ideals, its character, its life are 
lowered. How heavily has our nation paid for its inglorious 
war with Spain. Not only did it cost money and time and 
blood. Its toll of disease and weakened moral fiber is a far 
more serious matter; and by it we lost those ideals for which 
our nation stood through more than a century of independent 
life. This last was the heaviest part of the price. 

WE WILL NOT COLONIZE MEXICO 

It is no accident that our Scandinavian emigrants drift to 
the moraine country of Minnesota; that the Hollanders settle 
down upon the flat green fields and pastures of Michigan ; that 
the Scotch-Irish settle in our eastern hills; it is just as certainly 



INTERVENTION 439 

no accident that Spaniards drifted to Mexico. They are at 
home in those surroundings. We never would be. We shall 
never fill up Mexico. Our migrations will be isothermic and 
latitudinal. If we should attempt the occupancy of Mexico by 
means of actual colonization, we should again pay a frightful 
price, physically, intellectually, morally. We would be changed. 
Is it worth while for a considerable portion of our population 
to become Mexican? We have stated the improbability of this 
migration taking place upon a large scale. To whatever extent 
it would occur, the American aggregate would lose. 

PEOTECTION OF INVESTMENTS 

The only influence active toward producing intervention and 
a war of conquest is the investor. We are constantly informed 
that we must protect American financial interests in Mexico. 
The investor in Mexico puts his money there because he hopes 
to gain a return larger than his money should produce. He 
has a right to do so if he chooses, but he should carry his own 
risk. He knows there is a risk; he has no right to ask us to 
carry that risk for him. If every penny of American capital 
invested in Mexico were wiped out of existence, there should be 
no armed interference on our part. Two other points affect the 
question. We are often told that $900,000,000 of American 
capital is invested in Mexico. It is certain that much of this is 
fictitious value. There are plenty of companies in Mexico capi- 
talized at $100,000 which have never had $20,000 actual money 
put in the enterprise. As Turner says, ''Oceans of water" in 
the great railway merger. We of course think of piling up 
claims against Mexico to the extent of $900,000,000. How much 
legitimate claim would be left after a Hague court investigated 
that? Again, it must be remembered that a very large amount 
of this American capital is invested in ''tainted" concessions. 
Most of the foreign enterprises favored during the regimes of 
Diaz and Madero were never submitted for approval to the 
Mexican people and are not to their advantage. It is interest- 
ing by the way to notice that the constitutionalists threaten to 



440 INTERVENTION 

deal seriously with this whole matter of tainted concessions. 
Would that they might! But if they should, will our Govern- 
ment support them? 

POSITION OF THE INVESTOR 

The investor in Mexico deserves no sympathy from us; to 
the degree that he places his money yonder, he is unpatriotic. 
He has a right, of course, to place his money where he pleases, 
yet a true patriotism and an enlightened appreciation of con- 
ditions would lead him to keep money here. There is not as yet 
a single state in our whole Union, not even New York, Pennsyl- 
vania, or Ohio, which is legitimately developed. We have as yet 
no genuine conception of the development of any area. We have 
always been cursed by the fact of greater opportunity in a new 
section. We have drifted here and there in the hope of getting 
sudden wealth with small outlay of labor. It has been a great 
misfortune to ourselves. It has had a frightfully destructive 
influence upon the world at large. It will be a good thing when 
we are more confined in our possibilities. Real patriotism, not 
the blatant kind, would lead men to utilize their capital in the 
development of the region in which they were born. 

A MEXICAN PEOBLEM ONLY 

Mex:ico and the Mexicans ought to work out their own salva- 
tion. It sounds well in newspapers to say that we desire to 
help Mexico to solve her problems. It is the White Man 's Bur- 
den. It is meddling. Mexico knows her problems as no out- 
sider can. If they are to be solved, she must solve them. We 
can best help by solving our own problems, and heaven knows 
we have enough of these. 

Mexico is what it is because of its geography, its climate, 
its streams, its mountains, valleys, deserts, forests. Its alti- 
tudes, its atmosphere, make a people different from ourselves. 
Its people are Indian, or a mixture of Indian with Spanish. 
The race qualities are different from ours ; feeling is different ; 
sentiment is different; point of view is different. It is impos- 



INTERVENTION 441 

sible for us to think for them, feel for them, act for them, decide 
their questions. All that we need to do is to keep hands off. 

A MIDDLE CLASS NEEDED 

Mexico will never be at peace until a middle class arises. 
It. has been a land of very rich and very poor, of masters and 
slaves. A middle class is rising; it will come. The common 
people of Mexico are thinking, reading, talking, — more than they 
have ever done before. Before the Conquest, Mexico was occu- 
pied by many small tribes, absolutely separated and hopelessly 
divided. They were ridden by their rulers and their priests. 
That was in the old days of paganism. Mexico of today is still 
a people divided. It is still ridden by rulers, and by priests. 
If it is to become a great nation, it must be unified. It can only 
be so through education, thought, and struggle. Its greatest 
curse has ever been personal politics. In the direction of 
political parties with definitely presented platforms of prin- 
ciples much of its hope of advancement lies. Notwithstanding 
the discouraging aspect of the moment, notwithstanding the 
Madero failure, the Juarez failure, the Guerrero failure, — it 
has made progress, and it will make progress in these 
directions. 

TYPE OP NATION LIKELY 

But no matter . how Mexico may advance, it will never be 
like us, — it ought not to be so. Latin America does not admire 
our style. She does not look northward for her patterns. 
James Bryce, in his book on South America, strongly empha- 
sizes the fact that the republics to our south look to Europe for 
advice, direction, pattern and example. They look to Spain 
and Portugal, Italy, and above all, to France. There are two 
types of republics conspicuous in the world at present. "When 
Mexico reaches an equilibrium, and she will if we permit, she 
will present a nation like the French Eepublic, — not like the 
United States. 



INTERVENTION 




NOT AN UNIQUE ELECTION. MUCH LIKE THOSE OF DIAZ, AND PINO 
SUAEETZ AND OTHEES 



LEADING EVENTS IN MEXICAN HISTORY 



1518. Expedition of Grijalva to Yucatan. 

1519. Cortes lands in Mexico. 

1521. Conquest of Mexico achieved: destruction of Tenochtitlan. 
1524. Arrival of Franciscan missionaries. 

1527. Juan de Zumarraga, first Bishop of Mexico. 

1528. First Audiencia in New Spain. 

1529. Second Audiencia in New Spain, 
1531. Apparition at Guadalupe. 

1535. Antonio de Mendoza, first Viceroy of New Spain. 

1550. Luis de Velasco, second Viceroy. 

1553. University of Mexico founded. 

1566. Gaston de Peralta, Viceroy. 

1568. Martin de Enriques de Almanza, Viceroy. 

1571. Inquisition established in America. 

1572. Arrival of Jesuits in Mexico. 

1580. Lorenzo Juarez de Mendoza, Viceroy. 

1584. Pedro Moya de Contreras, Archbishop of Mexico and Viceroy. 

1585. Alvaro Manrique de Zuiiiga, Viceroy. 

1590. Luis de Velasco (2d), Marquis of Salinas, Viceroy. 

1595. Caspar de Zuniga of Acevedo, Count of Monterey, Viceroy. 

1603. Juan de Mendoza y Luna, Marquis of Montes Claros, Viceroy. 

1607. Luis de Velasco (2d) again Viceroy. 

1612. Diego Fernandez de Cordova, Marquis of Guadalcazar, Viceroy. 

1621. Diego Carrillo Mendoza y Pimentel, Marquis of Gelves, Viceroy. 

1624. Rodrigo Pacheco Osorio, Viceroy. 

1635. Lope Diaz de Armendariz, Viceroy. 

1640. Diego Lopez Pacheco Cabrero y Bobadillo, Viceroy. 

1642. Juan de Palafox, Bishop of Puebla, Viceroy: later Garcia Sarmi- 

ento Sotomayor, Count of Salvatierra, Viceroy. 
1648. Marcos Lopez de Torres y Rueda, Bishop of Yucatan, Viceroy. 
1650. Luis Enriques de Guzman, Count of Alba Liste, Viceroy. 
1653. Francisco Fernandez de la Cueva, Viceroy. 
1660. Juan de Leiva y de la Cerda, Viceroy. 



1664. Diego Osorio Escobar y Llamas, Bishop of Puebla, Viceroy; 

later, Antonio Sebastian de Toledo, Viceroy. 
1673. Pedro Nmlo Colon de Portugal y Castro, Viceroy; later, Payo 

de Rivera, Archbishop of Mexico, Viceroy. 
1680. Tomas Antonio Manrique de la Cerda, Viceroy, 
1686. Melchor Portocarrerro Laso de la Vega, Count of Monclova, 

Viceroy. 
1688. Gaspar de la Cerda Sandoval Silva y Mendoza, Viceroy. 
1696, Juan de Ortega Montaiiez, Bishop of Michoacan, Viceroy; later, 

Jose Sarmiento Valladares, Count of Moteczuma, Viceroy. 
1701. Juan de Ortega Montaiiez, again Viceroy ; later, Fernandez de las' 

Cuevas Enriques, Viceroy. 
1711, Fernando Alencastro Norona y Silva, Viceroy. 
1716, Baltasar de Zuiiiga Guzman Sotomayor y Mendoza, Viceroy, 
1722, Juan de Acuna, Viceroy. 
1734, Juan Antonio de Vizarron y Eguiarreta, Archbishop of Mexico, 

Viceroy. 

1740, Pedro de Castro Figueroa y Salazar, Viceroy, 

1741, Jose Antonio Villasenor y Sanchez, Cosmographer of New Spain, 

1742, Pedro Cebrian y Augustin, Viceroy. 

1746, Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas, Viceroy, 

1755, Augustin de Ahumada y Villalon, Viceroy. 

1760. Francisco Cajigal de la Vega, Viceroy; later, Joaquin de Mont- 

serrat. Viceroy. 
1763. Louisiana acquired by Spain. 

1766, Carlos Francisco de Croix, Viceroy, 

1767, Expulsion of Jesuits from Spain and Spanish America. 
1771. Antonio Maria de -Bucareli y Ursua, Viceroy. 

1779. Martin de Mayorga, Viceroy. 

1783, Matias de Galvez, Viceroy, 

1785, Bernardo de Galvez, Viceroy. 

1787. Alonso Nuiiez de Haro y Peralta, Archbishop of Mexico, Viceroy ; 

later, Manuel Antonio Flores, Viceroy. 
1789, Juan Vicente Pacheco de Padilla, Viceroy. 
1794, Miguel de la Grua Talamanca, Viceroy. 
1798. Miguel Jose de Azanza, Viceroy. 

1800, Felix Berenguer de Marquina, Viceroy. 

1801. Louisiana returned to France. 
1803. Jose de Iturrigaray, Viceroy. 



1808. Intervention of Napoleon Bonaparte in Spanish affairs ; acces- 

sion of Ferdinand VII and then of Joseph Bonaparte ; Iturrig- 
- aray deposed and Pedro Garibay, Viceroy. 

1809. Franciso Javier Lizana, Archbishop of Mexico, Viceroy. 

1810J Pedro Catani, Viceroy; later, Francisco Javier Venegas, Viceroy. 

Grito de Dolores, Sept. 15-16. 
1811. Execution of Hidalgo and his fellows. 
1813. Congress of Chilpantzingo ; Declaration of Independence and 

First Constitution. 

1815. Jose Maria Morelos executed. 

1816. Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, Viceroy. 

1817. Mina's expedition. 

1820. Inquisition abolished. 

1821. Francisco de Novella, Viceroy; Plan of Iguala and Treaty of 

Cordoba; Independence achieved; Regency installed; Juan 0' 
Donoju, last of the Viceroys. 

1822. Congress organized. Iturbide emperor, Augustin I. 

1823. Abdication of Iturbide. 

1824. United States of Mexico; Constitution proclaimed; Victoria 

Guadalupe (Felix Fernandez), President. 

1828. Yorkist and Scottish masonry in conflict; Manuel Gomez Ped- 

raza, President. 

1829. Vicente Guerrero, President; Spanish attempt at restoration: 

Jose Maria Bocanegra, acting-President. 

1830. Anastasio Bustamante, President. 

1832. Melchor Muzquiz, acting President; Antonio Lopez de Santa 
Anna, President; Valentin Gomez Farias, Vice-President. 

1835. Constitution of Las Siete Leyes; Centralism. 

1836. New Constitution effective; General Barragan, acting-President; 

Jose Justo Corro, acting-President; Spain acknowledges Mex- 
ican Independence; Texas secedes. 

1840. Gutierrez de Estrada proposes a monarehial government. 

1841. Santa Anna, provisional President. 

1842. Javier Echavarria, acting President; Santa Anna, provisional 

President. 

1843. Bases Organicas Politicas Constitution; extreme Centralism. 

1845. Impeachment of Santa Anna; Jose Joaquin Herrera, President; 

Texas annexed to the United States; war between Mexico and 
the United States. 

1846. Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga, President; war of invasion begun; 

Nicolas Bravo, President; Mariano Salas, President. 



1847. Santa Anna, Gomez Farias, and others. President; American 

forces in possession of Mexican capital. 

1848. Jose Joaquin Herrera, President. Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo. 

1851. Mariano Arista, President. 

1852. Juan Bautista Ceballos, President; later, Manuel Maria Lombar- 

dini, acting President. 

1853. Santa Anna, President ; proclaims himself perpetual dictator. 

1854. Juan Alvarez pronounces; Plan of Ayotla; Exile of Santa Anna. 

1855. Juan Alvarez, provisional President, later, Ignacio Comonfort. 

Ley Juarez passed. 

1856. Ley Lerdo passed. 

1857. New Constitution adopted. Ignacio Comonfort, President; reac- 

tion under Felix Zuloaga. 

1858. Comonfort abdicates; Benito Juarez, as President of Supreme 

Court, succeeds him; Zuloaga, Migual Miramon, and others 
attempt a counter-government. 

1859. Juarez government in Vera Cruz; War of the Reform. 

1860. Juarez returns to the capital. 

1861. Juarez elected President; suspension of payments on foreign 

debts precipitates intervention: Treaty of London. 

1862. Convention of Soledad, Conference of Orizaba, and withdrawal 

of English and Spanish from Mexico; French advance; battle 
of Puebla. 

1863. French advance; capture Puebla and Mexico; Juarez government 

retreats northward — San Luis Potosi, Saltillo, Monterey; Max- 
imilian becomes Emperor. 

1864. Maximilian arrives at Mexico; Juarez government at Chihuahua. 

1865. Juarez government at Paso del Norte; United States demands 

withdrawal of French troops. 
1867. End of Empire ; execution of Maximilian ; Juarez returns to Mex- 
ico; is elected constitutional President. 

1871. Juarez re-elected. 

1872. Death of Juarez; Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, President. 

1876. Plan of Tuxtepec; Porfirio Diaz, provisional President; United 

States delays recognition. 

1877. Porfirio Diaz elected constitutional President; mutiny at Vera 

Cruz; Escobedo's rebellion. 

1880. Manuel Gonzales elected President ; Gen. U. S. Grant visited Mex- 
ico. 

1884. Porfirio Diaz elected; second term. 

1888. Porfirio Diaz elected; third term. 



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